2021.12.11 國際新聞導讀-烏克蘭副外長表示美歐應注重俄羅斯對安全的感受不將軍力擴至烏克蘭、聯合國大會通過6項反以色列決議但以色列通常不予理會、以色列擔心美國脫離中東、有國內評論家認為以色列應與敘利亞和解

蘇老師講解國際新聞、中東與中亞歷史、中國事務、太空知識的頻道。 Diplomat's daily news review and history research on Middle East and Central Asia, China Affairs and Space Exploration

2021.12.11 國際新聞導讀-烏克蘭副外長表示美歐應注重俄羅斯對安全的感受不將軍力擴至烏克蘭、聯合國大會通過6項反以色列決議但以色列通常不予理會、以色列擔心美國脫離中東、有國內評論家認為以色列應與敘利亞和解
俄羅斯對西方：向我們提供保證或冒險破壞安全
俄羅斯副外長謝爾蓋里亞布科夫發表上述言論之際，俄羅斯與西方之間的緊張局勢正在加劇。
通過路透
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 10 日 16:33
俄羅斯總統弗拉基米爾·普京於 2021 年 12 月 7 日在俄羅斯索契通過視頻鏈接與美國總統喬·拜登舉行會談。
（圖片來源：SPUTNIK/SERGEI GUNEEV/克里姆林宮通過路透社）
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俄羅斯週五警告稱，除非美國及其盟國認真考慮莫斯科的安全保障，否則將與西方發生重大對抗的危險，並且還提出了歐洲導彈危機的可能性。
俄羅斯外交部副部長謝爾蓋里亞布科夫在莫斯科舉行的新聞發布會上發表上述言論之際，俄羅斯與西方之間因烏克蘭問題的緊張局勢加劇，以及俄羅斯在其邊境附近集結軍隊。
在周二緩和緊張局勢的高層視頻通話中，總統弗拉基米爾·普京要求美國總統喬·拜登為俄羅斯提供安全保障，以阻止北約向東擴張。
俄羅斯表示正在觀望這個想法會走向何方，儘管里亞布科夫表示，期望獲得保證是“天真的”。雙邊關係處於 1991 年蘇聯解體以來的最低點。
“如果我們在另一邊的對手——首先是美國，但也包括其他國家、其盟友、所謂的志同道合的國家——如果他們拒絕並試圖破壞這一點，他們將不可避免地使自己的情況進一步惡化。安全局勢，”里亞布科夫說。
Sergei Ryabkov 370（圖片來源：Denis Sinyakov / 路透社）
“不同意就意味著更接近大規模對抗，”他說。
他還敦促西方認真考慮一項長期提案，即暫停在歐洲部署短程和中程導彈，這些導彈根據當時的美國總統唐納德特朗普崩潰的導彈協議而被禁止。
里亞布科夫批評美國及其北約盟國擴大在東歐的軍事能力。
“我們需要在為時已晚之前避免歐洲出現新的導彈危機。在這些領土上出現短程和中程武器是導致對抗升級的直接途徑，”他說。
Russia to West: offer us guarantees or risk unraveling security
The comments by Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov came amid soaring tensions between Russia and the West.
By REUTERS
Published: DECEMBER 10, 2021 16:33
Russian President Vladimir Putin holds talks with U.S. President Joe Biden via a video link in Sochi, Russia December 7, 2021.
(photo credit: SPUTNIK/SERGEI GUNEEV/KREMLIN VIA REUTERS)
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Russia on Friday warned of the danger of a major confrontation with the West unless the United States and its allies gave serious thought to security guarantees for Moscow, and it also raised the prospect of a European missile crisis.
The comments by Deputy Foreign Minister Sergei Ryabkov at a news briefing in Moscow came amid soaring tensions between Russia and the West over Ukraine and a Russian troop build-up near its borders.
In a top-level video call to defuse the tensions on Tuesday, President Vladimir Putin asked U.S. President Joe Biden for security guarantees for Russia that would halt NATO's eastward expansion.
Russia has said it is waiting to see where the idea leads, though Ryabkov said it would be "naive" to expect the guarantees to be obtained. Bilateral ties are at their lowest point since the 1991 breakup of the Soviet Union.
"If our opponents on the other side - above all the United States but also other countries, its allies, so-called like-minded countries - if they refuse, and try and torpedo this, they will inevitably get a further worsening of their own security situation," Ryabkov said.
Sergei Ryabkov 370 (credit: Denis Sinyakov / Reuters)
"Not to agree would mean to move closer towards a big confrontation," he said.
He also urged the West to seriously consider a long-standing proposal to impose a moratorium on the deployment of short- and intermediate-range missiles in Europe that were banned under a missile pact that collapsed under then-U.S. President Donald Trump.
Ryabkov criticized the United States and its NATO allies for expanding their military capabilities in Eastern Europe.
"We need before it's too late to avoid a new missile crisis in Europe. The appearance of short- and medium-range weapons on these territories is a direct route to escalating confrontation," he said.
美國威脅考慮打擊伊朗是真的嗎？- 分析
報導稱，美以準備工作凸顯了西方對核談判可能陷入死胡同的擔憂。
作者：尤娜傑瑞米鮑勃
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 9 日 20:15
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 9 日 20:51
路透社20日8月20日收到的這張照片中，伊朗公開的導彈在伊朗不明地點發射
（圖片來源：WANA（西亞新聞社）VIA REUTERS）
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停止壓力機。
在拒絕對伊朗施加任何實際壓力近一年之後，美國在周三首次洩露了真正的軍事威脅。
還是做到了？
乍一看，威脅似乎是真實的。
一位美國高級官員向路透社透露，預計美國和以色列國防部長周四將討論可能的軍事演習，為如果外交失敗而摧毀伊朗核設施的最壞情況做準備。
五角大樓領導人於 10 月 25 日向白宮國家安全顧問傑克·沙利文通報了確保伊朗無法生產核武器的全套軍事選擇後，美國與來訪的國防部長本尼·甘茨進行了預定會談。官員說。
2021 年 12 月 6 日，伊朗總統易卜拉欣·賴西在伊朗德黑蘭會見了阿聯酋最高國家安全顧問謝赫·塔努恩·本·扎耶德·阿勒納哈揚。（圖片來源：MAJID ASGARIPOUR/WANA（西亞新聞社）VIA REUTERS）
報導稱，美以準備工作凸顯了西方對核談判可能陷入死胡同的擔憂。
但是，這種威脅似乎很快就變成了虛張聲勢的虛張聲勢。
這位美國官員拒絕提供有關潛在軍事演習的細節。
在以色列，KAN 新聞報導說，這個猶太國家將進行與路透社文章似乎描述的相符的軍事演習——但只會在六個月內進行。
這不是伊斯蘭共和國認真對待威脅的遊戲計劃。
2013 年和 2015 年多次，包括在 JCPOA 核協議簽署前兩週，美國對其威脅非常具體。
洩露給媒體的消息表明，華盛頓正在研製一種新的、威力更大的地堡破壞炸彈。
這很重要，因為伊朗的福爾多設施位於地下深處，無法被標準導彈摧毀。
地堡破壞者的更新版本將包括延遲引信，升級炸彈的製導系統和電子設備，以阻止干擾器將其發射出去。並註意到將投下兩枚炸彈。
這些洩漏給出了掩體破壞者測試的確切日期和地點，以確保它們完全運行並能夠完成摧毀任何伊朗核設施的任務，無論地下有多深。
此外，如果美國的演習還有六個月的時間，正如從 KAN 的故事中可以推斷出的那樣，對於耐心的伊朗人來說，這是一個非常微弱的威脅和遙遠的最後期限。
再加上在這一“威脅”被洩露的同一周，中央情報局局長威廉伯恩斯接受采訪時表示，中央情報局不相信伊朗最高領袖阿亞圖拉阿里哈梅內伊已決定採取措施將核裝置武器化，儘管它在濃縮鈾能力方面的所有進步。
為了讓伊朗伊斯蘭共和國的核威脅看起來更加遙遠，他警告說，即使伊朗決定繼續前進，在將核武器安裝到導彈上之前，仍需要大量工作才能將裂變材料武器化。
此外，他說，“他們在掌握核燃料循環方面走得更遠，這種知識很難被制裁或消失。”
因此，中央情報局局長，通常是外交界持槍的“壞警察”，正在淡化德黑蘭可能構成的威脅以及任何軍事行動“讓它消失”的能力。
人們可以暫時忽略伯恩斯是中央情報局局長，但仍然不是美國頂級外交官，這是他職業生涯的大部分時間。
不完全是一個統一的威懾信息。
此外，即使以更具體的方式發出威脅，如果演習發生得更早，如果拜登政府的所有官員都一致採取強硬措施，華盛頓現在也嚴重缺乏“街頭可信度”。
從阿富汗到烏克蘭再到其他衝突，拜登政府傳達的信息並不是用軍事和外交力量的平衡取代特朗普的好戰態度，而是幾乎完全放棄軍事力量，轉向外交。
如果這沒有達到目的，它只是用高尚的形容詞來譴責無視其超級大國地位的流氓行為——參見歐洲通常的劇本。
拜登政府可能需要讓伊朗特工在某個地方流血，即使是在第三國以小規模和有針對性的方式，以便其更廣泛的威脅得到認真對待。
相反，美國軍事威脅的真正目的或最可能的結果將是為核談判設定一個虛假的最後期限，而沒有設定一個正式的期限。
這對於確定秘密行動的時間很重要，或者這樣華盛頓就不需要在以後打破正式的最後期限，屆時拜登無意公開攻擊伊朗的意圖可能會變得明顯。
有一件事是肯定的：如果伊朗在不久的將來緩和其重返JCPOA 的立場，那將是因為以色列的威脅（官員說，即使現在已經在某種程度上準備好了），而不是美國的威脅。
聯大通過六項反以色列決議
週四在紐約通過的決議是聯合國大會計劃在年底前通過的關於以色列的 14 份文本的一部分。
作者：托瓦·拉扎羅夫
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 10 日 16:11
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 10 日 16:45
聯合國大會投票通過一項決議草案，譴責以色列軍隊在美國紐約聯合國總部對巴勒斯坦平民過度使用武力，2018 年 6 月 13 日
（圖片來源：路透社/MIKE SEGAR）
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在聯大批准了一攬子一項譴責以色列定居點活動六反以色列的文本，要求從戈蘭高地撤軍，並重申聯合國救濟和工程處巴勒斯坦難民（UNRWA）的工作。
週四在紐約通過的決議是聯合國大會計劃在年底前通過的關於以色列的 14 份文本的一部分。
六份文件中最不受歡迎的文本是決議確認“調查以色列影響巴勒斯坦人民人權的行為的特別委員會的工作”。
它以 80 票對 18 票獲得批准，73 票棄權，這一數字表明它的支持率低於目前 193 個聯合國成員國的多數支持。
聯合國大會對調查以色列影響巴勒斯坦人民人權的行為特別委員會的工作進行投票，80 票贊成，18 票反對，73 票棄權（圖片來源：UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT）
然而，儘管缺乏支持，但其大部分反對者——包括大多數歐盟國家，棄權而不是拒絕文本——的決定確保了它的通過。
去年，同樣的案文以 77-14 票獲得通過，83 票棄權。這些是改變投票的國家：奧地利、多米尼加共和國、密克羅尼西亞、菲律賓、斯洛文尼亞和英國。
這些是反對該決議的國家：澳大利亞、巴西、加拿大、哥倫比亞、危地馬拉、洪都拉斯、匈牙利、以色列、利比里亞、馬紹爾群島和美國。
去年反對該決議的兩個國家瑙魯和巴巴新幾內亞今年缺席投票。
睡前很喝一物，隔夜離開“宿便”，瘦到靠背！由減肥達人推薦贊助
該決議“譴責並呼籲以色列立即停止所有非法定居活動和修建隔離牆，解除對加沙地帶的封鎖，並完全停止過度和不分青紅皂白地使用武力和軍事行動。平民人口，解決有關聖地的暴力、挑釁和煽動、破壞和沒收財產、強迫平民流離失所、拘留和監禁數以千計的平民以及對巴勒斯坦平民採取的所有集體懲罰措施。”
獲得最多支持的案文是一項決議，該決議呼籲通過匯入近東救濟工程處的資金向巴勒斯坦難民提供財政援助。
它申明，"近東救濟工程處繼續為近東巴勒斯坦難民開展工作的必要性及其暢通無阻的運作和提供包括緊急援助在內的服務對於巴勒斯坦人民的福祉、保護和人類發展的重要性。在巴勒斯坦難民問題得到公正解決之前，巴勒斯坦難民和該地區的穩定。”
聯合國大會就援助巴勒斯坦難民問題進行投票（來源：聯合國網絡電視/屏幕截圖）
該決議以 16 票對 1 票通過，10 票棄權。以色列是唯一反對該決議的國家，該決議被視為所有案文中最溫和的，儘管該決議通過呼籲執行第 194 號決議第 11 段來確認巴勒斯坦難民返回以色列主權的權利。
該決議指出，“該決議遺憾地指出，聯合國巴勒斯坦和解委員會未能找到在執行大會第 194(III)號決議第 11 段方面取得進展的方法，並改革其要求調解委員會繼續努力落實。”
今年美國改變了對這項被前特朗普政府拒絕的決議的投票方式。拜登政府對該案文恢復了奧巴馬政府的投票模式並棄權。
棄權的其他九個國家是：喀麥隆、加拿大、基里巴斯、馬紹爾群島、密克羅尼西亞、帕勞、盧旺達、烏拉圭和讚比亞，
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一項確認近東救濟工程處工作的類似決議以 162 票對 5 票獲得批准，六票棄權。
近東救濟工程處為近東巴勒斯坦難民開展的行動（圖片來源：UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT）
反對該案文的國家是：加拿大、以色列、馬紹爾群島、密克羅尼西亞和美國。棄權的國家是：澳大利亞、喀麥隆、危地馬拉、盧旺達、烏拉圭和讚比亞。
該決議“重申了該機構在向巴勒斯坦難民提供人道主義和發展援助方面的重要作用”。它還表示“儘管該機構已證明其運作能力已被證明，但仍對其企圖詆毀該機構表示嚴重關切。”
另一項題為“巴勒斯坦難民及其財產和收入”的決議以 159 票對 5 票獲得批准，8 票棄權。
聯合國大會對巴勒斯坦難民及其財產和收入進行投票（來源：UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT）
該決議“重申巴勒斯坦難民有權根據平等和正義原則獲得他們的財產和由此產生的收入。”
名為“以色列在包括東耶路撒冷和被佔領戈蘭在內的巴勒斯坦被佔領土上的定居點”的第五項決議以 146 票對 7 票、20 票棄權獲得批准。
反對該案文的國家包括：加拿大、匈牙利、以色列、利比里亞、馬紹爾群島、密克羅尼西亞和美國。
巴勒斯坦被佔領土上的以色列定居點，包括東耶路撒冷和被佔戈蘭高地（圖片來源：UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT）
歐盟 27 個成員國中約有 24 個支持該案文。去年投票贊成該案文的捷克共和國和斯洛文尼亞今年改變了投票並棄權，厄瓜多爾、斐濟和讚比亞等非歐盟國家也投了棄權票。去年，該決議以 150 票對 7 票通過，17 票棄權。
該決議重申，以色列的定居點“包括東耶路撒冷和被佔領的敘利亞戈蘭是非法的，是和平與經濟和社會發展的障礙”。
案文呼籲所有國家“不承認也不提供援助或協助維持國際法規定的非法措施所造成的局勢，包括旨在推進吞併巴勒斯坦被佔領土，包括東耶路撒冷和其他阿拉伯領土的措施。自 1967 年以來被以色列佔領。”
要求以色列從戈蘭高地撤出的最後一項決議以 149-2、23 票棄權獲得批准。以色列和美國都反對該文本，歐盟支持，而加拿大和澳大利亞棄權。
去年同樣的案文以 151-3 的票數通過，20 票棄權。利比里亞在 2020 年反對該案文，而今年卻沒有參加投票。
以色列在 1967 年六日戰爭期間從敘利亞手中奪取了戈蘭高地，並於 1981 年對其行使主權。美國在 2019 年承認該主權，但它是唯一這樣做的國家。
聯合國決議要求以色列撤銷該主權，並表示“以色列將其法律、管轄權和行政管理強加於被佔領的敘利亞戈蘭的決定是無效的，不具有國際法律效力。”
UNGA approves six anti-Israel resolutions
The resolutions approved in New York on Thursday are part of a package of 14 texts on Israel that the UNGA plans to pass by the end of the year.
By TOVAH LAZAROFF
Published: DECEMBER 10, 2021 16:11
Updated: DECEMBER 10, 2021 16:45
The United Nations General Assembly votes to adopt a draft resolution to deplore the use of excessive force by Israeli troops against Palestinian civilians at U.N. headquarters in New York, U.S., June 13, 2018
(photo credit: REUTERS/MIKE SEGAR)
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The United Nations General Assembly approved a package of six anti-Israel texts that condemned Israeli settlement activity, called for a withdrawal from the Golan Heights and affirmed the work of the UN Relief and Works Agency for Palestinian Refugees (UNRWA).
The resolutions approved in New York on Thursday are part of a package of 14 texts on Israel that the UNGA plans to pass by the end of the year.
The least popular text of the six was the resolution affirming the "work of the special committee to investigate Israeli practices affecting the human rights of the Palestinian people."
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It was approved 80-18, with 73 abstentions, a tally that showed it had less than the majority support of the current 193 UN member states.
UNGA vote on the Work of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People, with 80 in favor, 18 against, and 73 abstentions (credit: UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT)
The decision of the bulk of its opponents — including, most EU nations, to abstain rather than reject the text — ensured its passage, however, despite the lack of support.
Last year, the same text was approved 77-14, with 83 abstentions. These are the countries that changed their vote: Austria, the Dominican Republic, Micronesia, the Philippines, Slovenia and the United Kingdom.
These are the countries that opposed the resolution: Australia, Brazil, Canada, Columbia, Guatemala, Honduras, Hungary, Israel, Liberia, the Marshall Islands, and the United States.
Two countries that opposed the resolution last year, Nauru and Papa New Guinea, were absent from the vote this year.
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The resolution “condemns and calls for the immediate cessation of all illegal Israeli settlement activities and the construction of the wall, the lifting of the blockade of the Gaza Strip, as well as the complete cessation of the excessive and indiscriminate use of force and military operations against the civilian population, settle violence, provocation and incitements regarding the holy places, the destruction and confiscation of properties, the forced displacement of civilians, the detention and imprisonment of thousands of civilians and all measure of collective punishment against the Palestinian civilian population.”
The text with the largest support was a resolution that called for financial assistance to Palestinian refugees through funds funneled to UNRWA.
It affirmed, "the necessity for the continuation of the work of UNRWA for Palestine Refugees in the Near East and the importance of its unimpeded operation and its provision of services, including emergency assistance, for the well-being, protection and human development of the Palestine refugees and for the stability of the region, pending the just resolution of the question of the Palestine refugees."
UNGA vote on Assistance to Palestinian Refugees (credit: UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT)
The resolution passed 16-1, with 10 abstentions. Israel was the only country that opposed the resolution, which is viewed as the most benign of all the texts, despite its affirmation of the right of return for Palestinian refugees to sovereign Israel by calling for the implementation of paragraph 11 of Resolution 194.
The resolution noted with "The resolution noted with “regret that the United Nations Conciliation Commission for Palestine has been unable to find a means of achieving progress in the implementation of paragraph 11, of General Assembly resolution 194 (III), and reforms its request to the conciliation Commission to continue exerting efforts toward the implementation.”
The US this year changed its voting pattern on this resolution which the former Trump administration had rejected. The Biden administration reverted to the Obama administration's voting pattern on this text and abstained.
The nine other countries that abstained were: Cameroon, Canada, Kiribati, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Palau, Rwanda, Uruguay and Zambia,
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A similar resolution affirming the work of UNRWA was approved 162-5, with six abstentions.
Operations of the UNRWA for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (credit: UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT)
The countries that opposed the text were: Canada, Israel, the Marshall Islands, Micronesia and the United States. Those that abstained were: Australia, Cameroon, Guatemala, Rwanda, Uruguay and Zambia.
The resolution “reaffirms the Agency’s important role in providing humanitarian and development assistance to Palestinian refugees.” It also expressed “grave concern about the attempt to discredit the Agency despite its proven operational capacity.”
Another resolution, "Palestinian refugees, their properties and their revenues" was approved, 159-5, with eight abstentions.
UNGA vote on Palestinian refugees, their properties and their revenues (credit: UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT)
The resolution, "Reaffirms that the Palestinian refugees are entitled to their property and to the income derived therefore in conformity with the principles of equality and justice."
A fifth resolution, called "Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian territories, including east Jerusalem and the Occupied Golan" was approved 146-7, with 20 abstentions.
Those counties that opposed the text were: Canada, Hungary, Israel, Liberia, Marshall Islands, Micronesia and the United States.
Israeli settlements in the Occupied Palestinian territories, including east Jerusalem and the Occupied Golan (credit: UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT)
Some 24 of the EU's 27 member states supported the text. The Czech Republic and Slovenia, which last year voted in favor of the text, changed their vote this year and abstained, as did the non-EU states of Ecuador, Fiji and Zambia. Last year the resolution passed 150-7, with 17 abstentions.
The resolution reaffirmed that the Israeli settlements "including east Jerusalem and the occupied Syrian Golan are illegal and an obstacle to peace and economic and social development.”
The text calls on all states “not to recognize and not to render aid or assistance in maintaining the situation created by measures that are illegal under International law, including those aimed at advancing annexation in the occupied Palestinian territory, including east Jerusalem and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967."
The last resolution, which called for the Israeli withdrawal from the Golan Heights, was approved 149-2, with 23 abstentions. Both Israeli and the US opposed the text, the EU supported it, while Canada and Australia abstained.
The same text last year, passed 151-3, with 20 abstentions. Liberia in 2020 opposed the text, while this year it was absent for the vote.
Israel captured the Golan Heights from Syria during the Six-Day War in 1967 and applied sovereignty to it in 1981. The US recognized that sovereignty in 2019, but it is the only country to do so.
The UN resolution asked Israel to rescind that sovereignty and stated that "Israel’s decision to impose its laws, jurisdiction, and administration in the occupied Syrian Golan was null and void and without international legal effect.”
UNGA vote on the ''Occupied Syrian Golan'' (credit: UN WEB TV/SCREENSHOT)
“F *** 他”：特朗普在採訪中表達了對內塔尼亞胡的不滿
在接受以色列政治記者巴拉克·拉維德 (Barak Ravid) 採訪時，唐納德·特朗普透露了他與本傑明·內塔尼亞胡 (Benjamin Netanyahu) 的真實關係。
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發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 10 日 08:10
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 10 日 17:45
2020 年 1 月 28 日，美國總統唐納德·特朗普在美國華盛頓白宮東廳舉行的聯合新聞發布會上討論中東和平計劃提案時，向以色列總理本傑明·內塔尼亞胡眨眼。
（圖片來源：路透社/BRENDAN MCDERMID）
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“自從[他祝賀喬拜登]之後，我就沒有和他談過話。去他媽的，”這是美國前總統唐納德特朗普在接受政治記者巴拉克拉維德的新任總理專訪時談到前總理本傑明內塔尼亞胡時所說的話。書特朗普的和平：亞伯拉罕協議和中東的重塑，部分錶明兩位世界領導人之間的關係並不像看起來那麼緊張。採訪的片段於週五早上發布。
壓垮兩人之間看似密不可分的關係的最後一根稻草是內塔尼亞胡在近一年前獲勝後向現​​任美國總統喬拜登發出的祝賀電話。
在選舉前，特別是在結果公佈後，特朗普一直堅持並宣傳選舉舞弊，聲稱結果不准確，他本應獲勝。
儘管內塔尼亞胡是第一個接電話給華盛頓的中東領導人，但記者們很快注意到，內塔尼亞胡實際上並不是第一個給拜登打電話祝賀的人。事實上，他是在拜登當選後近一個月才發出這個電話的，當時法國、德國、加拿大、英國和愛爾蘭的領導人已經打來電話。
特朗普對拉維德進行了兩次採訪——其中一次長達 90 分鐘。內塔尼亞胡背叛了他，儘管特朗普在他任職的四年里為他做了一切，他說，並在今年 4 月的佛羅里達州靜坐期間五次提到拜登的電話。
2020 年 1 月 28 日，美國總統唐納德·特朗普和以色列總理本傑明·內塔尼亞胡抵達美國華盛頓白宮東廳，就中東和平計劃提案發表聯合評論。（來源：REUTERS/JOSHUA ROBERTS）
特朗普說：“第一個祝賀 [拜登] 的人是比比·內塔尼亞胡，我為他所做的比與我打交道的任何其他人都多。” “比比本可以保持安靜。他犯了一個可怕的錯誤。”
他補充說：“我喜歡比比。我還是喜歡比比。但我也喜歡忠誠。第一個祝賀拜登的人是比比。他不僅向他表示祝賀，還在錄音中做到了這一點，”Axios 說。
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特朗普提到了伊朗協議以及內塔尼亞胡與現任美國總統的長期友誼和聯繫。
“對於比比·內塔尼亞胡來說，在墨水還沒有乾之前，做一個信息，而不僅僅是一個信息，給喬·拜登錄製一段關於他們偉大、偉大的友誼的磁帶——他們沒有友誼，因為如果他們這樣做了，[奧巴馬政府] 不會完成伊朗協議，”特朗普說，據 Axios 稱。“猜猜看，現在他們又要這麼做了。”
特朗普告訴拉維德，他覺得他在白宮的職位上提出了某些沒有得到內塔尼亞胡應有的認可和感謝的政策。他舉的一個例子是美國在 2019 年公開承認戈蘭高地為以色列主權領土，並引起爭議。一年後，以色列政府以他的名義批准了該地區的一個城鎮，即“拉馬特特朗普”。
“那[舉動]是一件大事，”特朗普說。“當時人們說這是一份價值 100 萬美元的禮物……我在 [以色列] 選舉前就做了，這對他 [內塔尼亞胡] 幫助很大——如果沒有我，他可能會輸掉選舉，戈蘭高地事件使他在民意調查中提高了 10-15%。”
以色列總理本雅明內塔尼亞胡在簽署亞伯拉罕協議後與美國總統唐納德特朗普站在一起，使以色列與一些中東鄰國的關係正常化，中東國家對伊朗的戰略調整，在白宮南草坪我（信用：路透社/湯姆布倫納）
很難在戈蘭高地和內塔尼亞胡的勝利之間劃出一條直線。拉維德在他的書中指出，在 2019 年 4 月選舉前一周，以色列民主研究所 (IDI) 的一項民意調查顯示，66% 的以色列猶太人認為美國承認以色列對戈蘭高地的主權將加強內塔尼亞胡在民意調查。
內塔尼亞胡在一份聲明中回應說，他“非常感謝特朗普為以色列國及其安全做出的巨大貢獻”。
他還解釋了為什麼祝賀拜登擔任總統，因為他“讚賞以色列和美國之間聯盟的重要性，因此，祝賀即將上任的總統對他來說很重要。”
由莎拉·本-努( Sarah Ben-Nun)翻譯。
'F*** him': Trump expresses resentment towards Netanyahu in interview
In interviews to Israeli political journalist Barak Ravid, Donald Trump reveals the real relationship he had with Benjamin Netanyahu.
By WALLA!, JERUSALEM POST STAFF
Published: DECEMBER 10, 2021 08:10
Updated: DECEMBER 10, 2021 17:45
US President Donald Trump winks at Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as they discuss a Middle East peace plan proposal during a joint news conference in the East Room of the White House in Washington, US, January 28, 2020.
(photo credit: REUTERS/BRENDAN MCDERMID)
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"I haven't spoken with him since [he congratulated Joe Biden]. F*** him," are the words former-US president Donald Trump said about former-prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu in an exclusive interview for political journalist Barak Ravid's new book Trump’s Peace: The Abraham Accords and the Reshaping of the Middle East, showing, in part, that the relationship between the two world leaders was not as tight as it seemed. Snippets of the interview were released on Friday morning.
The straw that broke the camel's back on the seemingly airtight relationship between the two was Netanyahu's congratulatory call to current-US President Joe Biden after his victory nearly a year ago.
Leading up to the election and particularly after the results were announced, Trump has consistently insisted and propagated election fraud, claiming the results were inaccurate and that he should have won.
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Though Netanyahu was the first leader in the Middle East to pick up the phone to Washington, journalists were quick to note that Netanyahu was actually not one of the first people to give Biden a congratulatory call. In fact, he made the call nearly a month after Biden's election, after calls had already come in from the leaders of France, Germany, Canada, the United Kingdom and Ireland.
Trump gave Ravid two interviews - one of them 90 minutes long. Netanyahu betrayed him, despite everything Trump had done for him during his four years in office, he said, mentioning the call to Biden five times throughout the sitdown in Florida dated to April of this year.
US President Donald Trump and Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu arrive to deliver joint remarks on a Middle East peace plan proposal in the East Room of the White House in Washington, US, January 28, 2020. (credit: REUTERS/JOSHUA ROBERTS)
"The first person that congratulated [Biden] was Bibi Netanyahu, the man that I did more for than any other person I dealt with," said Trump. "Bibi could have stayed quiet. He has made a terrible mistake."
He added: “I liked Bibi. I still like Bibi. But I also like loyalty. The first person to congratulate Biden was Bibi. And not only did he congratulate him, he did it on tape," according to Axios.
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Trump made reference to the Iran deal and Netanyahu's longtime friendship and association with the current US president.
“For Bibi Netanyahu, before the ink was even dry, to do a message, and not only a message, to do a tape to Joe Biden talking about their great, great friendship — they didn't have a friendship, because if they did, [the Obama administration] wouldn't have done the Iran deal," Trump said, according to Axios. "And guess what, now they're going to do it again."
Trump told Ravid he felt that he advanced certain policies from his position in the White House that didn't receive the proper recognition and thanks from Netanyahu. One of the examples he gave was the US public and controversial recognition of the Golan Heights as sovereign Israeli territory in 2019. A year after, the Israeli government approved a town in the region in his name, "Ramat Trump."
"That [move] was a big deal," said Trump. "People were saying at the time that it was a gift worth a million bucks… I did it before the [Israeli] elections, and that helped him [Netanyahu] a lot - maybe he would have lost the election without me, the Golan Heights affair raised him 10-15% in the polls."
Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu stands with US President Donald Trump after signing the Abraham Accords, normalizing relations between Israel and some of its Middle East neighbors, in a strategic realignment of Middle Eastern countries against Iran, on the South Lawn of the White House i (credit: REUTERS/TOM BRENNER)
It is hard to draw a direct line between the Golan Heights and Netanyahu's win. Ravid notes in his book that one week before the April 2019 elections, a poll from the Israel Democratic Institute (IDI) showed that 66% of Jewish Israelis thought that the US recognition of Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights was something that would strengthen Netanyahu in the polls.
Netanyahu responded in a statement, saying that he "greatly appreciates the great contribution that Trump made to the nation of Israel and its security."
He also explained why he congratulated Biden on his presidency because he "appreciates the importance of the alliance between Israel and the US and therefore, it was important to him to congratulate the incoming president."
以色列必須與敘利亞對話 - 意見
以色列參與這樣一項倡議並沒有什麼損失，但我們從中獲益良多。
由阿維·貝納亞
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 9 日 20:11
敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德（右）8 月在大馬士革舉行新內閣成員宣誓儀式。
（圖片來源：SANA/REUTERS）
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在維也納恢復談判以恢復伊朗核協議以及伊朗在獲得核武器方面取得的進展，以及政府更迭以及總理納夫塔利·貝內特與其前任本傑明·內塔尼亞胡之間的指責，已經引發了對該問題的公開辯論 10年。內塔尼亞胡指責貝內特“浪費了六個月並打算遏制伊朗的核能力”。另一方面，貝內特指責內塔尼亞胡說的是話，而不是走路。
上週，貝內特和外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德以更激進的立場公開，現在正在談論以色列的準備情況以及即使沒有美國支持也可能進行軍事行動的可能性。相比之下，國防部長本尼·甘茨一直在談論與世界各國合作收集情報，以加強對伊朗的壓力和製裁。與此同時，甘茨還積極領導努力加強以色列的進攻準備。
就像十年前，以色列總理在中東積極領導戲劇性的努力；他再次公開增強以色列的軍事能力，同時依靠我們的安全機構來製衡伊朗，因為以美國為首的世界其他地區正在收緊對伊朗的壓力。
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以色列拒絕接受伊朗的核武器能力是既成事實，這一直被以色列所有猶太復國主義政黨廣泛接受。Bennett、Lapid 和 Gantz 必須確保這種支持保持堅定，尤其是當我們接近主場時。
誠然，當反對派領導人表現得不禮貌並拒絕接受總理的最新消息時，這有點困難，這是法律要求他這樣做的。然而，貝內特應該繼續向內塔尼亞胡派遣他的軍事秘書，並保持溝通渠道完好無損。
美國總統喬拜登 8 月在白宮發表講話時就阿富汗問題發表了講話。（來源：路透社/卡洛斯·巴里亞）
鑑於拜登政府組織不力，美國總統的支持率迅速下滑，導致他在全球的地位下降，這些努力也變得更加困難。儘管如此，這也是我們面臨的挑戰。
我們必須以良好的判斷力和戴著天鵝絨手套的鐵拳負責任地處理這場危機。必須達成廣泛的全國共識，貝內特、拉皮德和甘茨必須與前總理埃胡德·巴拉克、內塔尼亞胡和埃胡德·奧爾默特協商，即使他們需要在此類會議之前服用抗噁心藥丸。無論如何，我們是為他們的醫療費用提供資金的人。
愛好和平的以色列國從未獨自邁出參與和平倡議的第一步。這些倡議一直是由其他人發起的：薩達特、侯賽因、美國人、沙特人、法國人等。被命令“尋求和平並追求和平”的猶太人實際上並沒有為實現這一目標做任何事情。
表現出主動和大膽、積累經驗和積極探索實現和平的機會從來都不是我們所擅長的，原因有很多：大屠殺投下的陰影；我們在每個邊界都被敵人包圍；從未以任何方式、形式或形式帶來和平的單方面撤軍；政治分歧；以及我們的邊界尚未最終確定的事實。
這就是為什麼我同意我的同事Alon Ben-David 的觀點，即以色列需要與敘利亞進行對話。沒有比現在更好的時間了。敘利亞目前因被困在伊朗、真主黨和俄羅斯之間而飽受摧殘。其經濟陷入困境，以色列不僅可以作為向美國敞開大門和廢除 2019 年凱撒法案的一種方式，而且可以作為一種合作方式，從而改善其能源、健康和農業的經濟部門。
這聽起來可能是一項無法實現的壯舉，但我認為這是可能的，而且我們至少有義務盡最大努力。以色列參與這樣一項倡議並沒有什麼損失，但我們從中獲益良多。
將敘利亞從邪惡軸心中移除也將解決以色列在黎巴嫩北部邊界面臨的威脅——一石二鳥。並且已經有廣泛的全國共識，即以色列應該保留戈蘭高地，但應該解決和加強它。甚至美國人也明確承認以色列對戈蘭擁有主權。這是一個可以創造性地解決的問題。相信我 - 值得一試。如果阿薩德冷落我們，那麼至少我們會得到一些良好的公關，並被視為一個爭取和平的國家。
誰可以領導這項倡議？在美國、埃及和其他國家的支持下，我的第一選擇是法國。法國歷來在敘利亞和黎巴嫩具有政治、文化和經濟影響力，並將抓住機會在中東佔據一席之地。如果這個倡議成功，我可以保證美國人會主動提出在白宮北草坪舉行簽字儀式。
作者是以色列國防軍退役準將、戰略和通訊顧問、以色列國防軍前發言人、以色列總理和國防部長顧問。
Israel must engage in dialogue with Syria - opinion
Israel has nothing to lose from engaging in such an initiative, but we have so much to gain from it.
By AVI BENAYAHU
Published: DECEMBER 9, 2021 20:11
SYRIA’S PRESIDENT Bashar Assad (right) stands as new cabinet members take the oath in Damascus in August.
(photo credit: SANA/REUTERS)
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The resumption of talks in Vienna to revive the Iran nuclear deal and regarding Iran’s progress toward obtaining nuclear weapons, alongside the change of government and the accusations slung between Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and his predecessor Benjamin Netanyahu, have thrown public debate on the issue back 10 years. Netanyahu blames Bennett for “wasting six months and intending to contain Iran’s nuclear capabilities.” Bennett, on the other hand, blames Netanyahu for talking the talk, but not walking the walk.
Last week, Bennett and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid went public with a more radical stance and are now talking about Israel’s readiness and the possibility of engaging in a military operation, even without American support. In contrast, Minister of Defense Benny Gantz has been talking about engaging in collaborative intelligence gathering with countries around the world in an effort to intensify pressure and sanctions against Iran. Concomitantly, Gantz is also actively leading efforts to bolster Israel’s readiness to attack.
Just as a decade ago, Israel’s prime minister was actively leading dramatic efforts in the Middle East; he is once again publicly sharpening Israel’s military capabilities, while relying on our security establishment to counterbalance Iran, as the rest of the world – led by the US – tautens pressure on Iran.
Israel’s refusal to accept Iran’s nuclear weapon capability as a fait accompli has always been widely accepted among all of Israel’s Zionist political parties. Bennett, Lapid and Gantz must ensure that this support remains stalwart, especially as we approach the home stretch.
Admittedly, this is a tad bit difficult when the leader of the opposition is not behaving graciously and refuses to accept updates from the prime minister, something he is required to by law. Bennett should, however, continue sending his military secretary to Netanyahu with updates and to keep communication channels intact.
US PRESIDENT Joe Biden delivers remarks on Afghanistan during a speech at the White House in August. (credit: REUTERS/CARLOS BARRIA)
These efforts have also become exponentially more difficult given that the Biden administration is not sufficiently organized and the US president’s approval rate is rapidly slipping, which is leading to a drop in his status throughout the world. Nonetheless, this is the challenge we are facing.
We must manage this crisis responsibly, with good judgment and with an iron fist in a velvet glove. There must be broad national agreement, and Bennett, Lapid and Gantz must consult with former prime ministers Ehud Barak, Netanyahu and Ehud Olmert, even if they need to take an anti-nausea pill before such meetings. In any case, we’re the ones financing their health expenses.
THE PEACE-LOVING State of Israel has never taken the first step on its own to engage in a peace initiative. These initiatives have always been launched by others: Sadat, Hussein, the Americans, the Saudis, the French, etc. The Jewish people, who are commanded “Seek peace and pursue it,” have not actually done anything to achieve this goal.
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Showing initiative and daring, gaining experience and actively exploring opportunities to achieve peace has never been something we excelled at, for many reasons: the dark shadow cast by the Holocaust; the fact that we are surrounded by enemies on every border; the unilateral withdrawals that have never led to peace in any way, shape or form; political disagreements; and the fact that our borders are not finalized.
This is exactly why I agree with my colleague Alon Ben-David that Israel needs to engage in dialogue with Syria. And there is no better time than the present. Syria is currently battered and bruised from being trapped between Iran, Hezbollah and Russia. Its economy is in distress, and Israel could serve as a way not only to open the door to the US and to the repeal of the Caesar Act of 2019, but also to cooperation that could lead to economic improvements in their energy, health and agriculture sectors.
This might sound like an unattainable feat, but I think it’s possible and that we have an obligation at least to give it our best shot. Israel has nothing to lose from engaging in such an initiative, but we have so much to gain from it.
Removing Syria from the axis of evil would also resolve the threat on Israel on its northern border from Lebanon – two birds with one stone. And there is already broad national consensus that Israel should retain the Golan Heights, but that it should be settled and reinforced. Even the Americans have expressly recognized Israel’s right to sovereignty on the Golan. This is a matter that can be settled creatively. Trust me – it’s worth giving it a try. And if Assad gives us a cold shoulder, then at least we’ll have gotten some good PR and be seen as a country that is striving for peace.
Who could lead this initiative? My first choice would be France, with support from the US, Egypt and others. France has historically had political, cultural and economic influence in Syria and Lebanon, and would jump at a chance to assume a position of influence in the Middle East. And if this initiative were to succeed, I can guarantee that the Americans would offer to hold the signing ceremony on the North Lawn of the White House.
The author is a retired IDF brigadier general, an adviser for strategy and communications, former IDF spokesman, and adviser to prime ministers and defense ministers in Israel.
以色列對伊朗真正的交易恐懼：美國脫離中東 - 意見
使這種情況引起極大關注的是它所說的關於美國參與世界的內容。
作者：雅科夫·卡茨
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 9 日 19:46
美國總統喬拜登 8 月在白宮發表講話時就阿富汗問題發表了講話。
（圖片來源：路透社/卡洛斯·巴里亞）
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2019 年 10 月，唐納德·特朗普宣布決定從敘利亞撤軍時，震驚了以色列和幾乎所有其他美國盟友。此舉是對土耳其總統雷傑普·塔伊普·埃爾多安的一種姿態，他對美國支持的庫爾德軍隊的敵意已不是什麼秘密。
以色列的震驚是難以掩飾的。考慮到它將如何單獨應對伊朗和俄羅斯軍隊在敘利亞不斷增加的存在，所有以色列人——來自各個政治派別——都大聲抗議。雖然美國從未全面撤軍——它確實降低了數字——特朗普的舉動不應該讓耶路撒冷的靈魂感到驚訝。
原因是因為自從巴拉克奧巴馬總統擔任總統以來，美國一直走在縮減其在中東的存在的明確軌道上，部分是對喬治·W·布什的兩個任期的反動舉動，看到戰爭在阿富汗開始和伊拉克，部分原因是人們了解到，在多年未見成功之後，是時候將部隊帶回家了。
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記住這一點很重要，因為目前耶路撒冷和華盛頓特區之間感受到的緊張局勢不僅僅是拜登政府可能會帶領 P5+1 與伊朗達成一項糟糕的協議。這是關於更廣泛的事情——美國參與中東的未來。
這些跡象令人擔憂。在競選期間，喬·拜登（Joe Biden）——就像特朗普一樣——發誓要結束所謂的“永遠的戰爭”，首先是阿富汗的戰爭。然而，當他去年夏天突然退出時，美國人和世界其他地方都驚呆了。不是因為拜登信守諾言，而是因為後果和塔利班立即接管該國。
9 月 2 日，塔利班部隊在阿富汗喀布爾的哈米德卡爾扎伊國際機場前巡邏（圖片來源：STRINGER/REUTERS）
然而，對於拜登來說，後果似乎不那麼重要。重要的是出去。接下來發生的事情就不那麼重要了。
這就是以色列在審視上週在維也納舉行並於週四續籤的伊朗會談時所擔心的。在內心深處，以色列已經了解了一段時間，對會談沒有太大的期望，但需要審視反對可能達成的協議，不僅因為它對伊朗意味著什麼，還因為它對美國意味著什麼.
問題是拜登是否真的在乎，這是以色列尚不確定的事情。一方面，拜登承諾伊朗“永遠”不會被允許獲得核武器。另一方面，他拒絕採取更激進的步驟，以超出樣板的“所有選項都擺在桌面上”來提高美國對伊朗的威脅，這在耶路撒冷引起了人們的擔憂，即總統想對伊朗做他對阿富汗所做的事情——制定一個交易，出去，忘記後果。
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拜登不應該被嫉妒。他上任時接到的手不太好。當特朗普在 2018 年退出伊朗協議時，什麼也沒有發生，當伊朗繼續違反協議時——增加鈾濃縮等——沒有真正的代價。特朗普官員認為，如果他們贏得 2020 年大選，伊朗將別無選擇，只能屈服於更艱難的協議。那當然從來沒有發生過。
從一開始，就很明顯拜登將試圖恢復交易。他在競選期間明確表示了這一點。以色列的目標是試圖讓他為一項更艱難的交易而戰，以確保伊朗比以前更遠離炸彈。
以色列和美國看待伊朗核計劃的方式存在的問題之一是，這兩個國家經常關注不同的截止線。以色列甚至不希望伊朗成為一個核門檻國家，這個國家已經積累了足夠的濃縮鈾，已經掌握了製造炸彈的所有過程，現在正在等待這樣做的決定。
美國對事情的看法不同。正如拜登所說，它不希望伊朗得到炸彈。因此，當目標只是防止炸彈時，在門檻處阻止它並不重要。
納夫塔利·貝內特總理知道這一點，就像他知道美國、伊朗或任何其他核談判各方都沒有認真對待來自耶路撒冷的所有威脅一樣。原因是，目前，以色列沒有可行的軍事選擇。這可能會改變，但需要一些時間。
然而，即使有軍事選項擺在桌面上，使用它的支持者也需要記住，攻擊伊朗核設施不像2007年攻擊敘利亞反應堆或1981年攻擊伊拉克反應堆。然後，兩國都有一個地面上的主要設施，一旦被摧毀，幾乎意味著核計劃的結束。此外，科學知識是外國的。在敘利亞，反應堆由朝鮮建造，在伊拉克由法國建造。
在伊朗，技術知識是國內的。伊朗人正在建造設施和離心機。伊朗人正在操作它們，伊朗人正在濃縮鈾。這是一個巨大的差異，因為即使以色列攻擊並嚴重破壞了一些設施，知識仍然存在。不能以同樣的方式攻擊。
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這是否意味著一切都失去了？不。以色列是一個強大的國家，雖然它將面臨來自伊朗核的前所未有的威脅，但這並不意味著猶太復國主義夢想的終結。以色列仍將有必要的自衛手段。
使這種情況引起極大關注的是它所說的關於美國參與世界的內容。以色列人喜歡說，如果需要，他們會知道如何保護自己，但不能低估與美國結盟的重要性。
一個對中東不感興趣的美國意味著一個美國將不再感到有必要向以色列提供最先進的武器平台，一個美國將不再覺得有必要在聯合國安理會否決反以色列決議，以及一個美國如果以色列與其他阿拉伯國家實現關係正常化，這並不在乎。
具有諷刺意味的是，正是巴拉克·奧巴馬 (Barack Obama) 領導下的中東政策幫助以色列和海灣國家走到了一起。當阿拉伯聯合酋長國、沙特阿拉伯和巴林看到美國與伊朗達成一筆糟糕的交易時，他們知道他們需要一個新的戰略夥伴，而當時沒有比以色列更好的人了。
雖然這是積極的，但它還不能替代美國和與以色列戰略聯盟的價值。然而，這並不意味著以色列不需要開始考慮如果這種脫離接觸政策繼續下去會發生什麼。最終，這就是耶路撒冷的人們所關心的。
***
在過去的兩年裡，我們已經習慣了政府在抗擊冠狀病毒傳播的鬥爭中做出的武斷決定。例如，在封鎖期間，您離家的距離可能不同。首先是一公里，然後是 500 米。為什麼會有差異？誰真的知道？
另一個例子是政府在 10 月份決定不接受美國的恢復證書，因為它們不像歐盟那樣數字化。這意味著——當以色列在 11 月對外國人開放時——是來自愛沙尼亞的從 COVID-19 中恢復過來並且與猶太國家沒有關係的人可以被允許進入，但可以允許在以色列經營一個與以色列有深厚聯繫的猶太組織的人並且也恢復了，不能。
像這樣的案例很多。組織負責人、向以色列醫院提供資金的大型基金會的受託人等上個月被禁止進入以色列，因為他們已經康復並且只打了一兩針，而不是以色列規定的三針。
這有意義嗎？一點也不。本週內政部長阿耶萊特·沙克德 (Ayelet Shaked) 決定——在倡導團體的明智運動之後——決定允許準媽媽的父母進入以色列以幫助生育和照顧孩子時，同樣的荒謬就很明顯了。這些都是完全接種疫苗的女性和男性，但由於禁止外國人進入。
原因？誰知道了？
在這場大流行病爆發兩年後，以色列和其他國家是時候意識到關閉和關閉不再是有效的工具了。生活還得繼續。人們需要接種疫苗，一旦接種，就需要限制限制。
相反，耶路撒冷政府更喜歡恐慌而不是推理。輝瑞說接種三針疫苗的人可以抵禦 Omicron？衛生部說，那又如何呢，它希望保持對外國人的禁令和抵達該國後的延長隔離期。
為什麼？不清楚。貝內特領導的政府需要製定明確的政策，而不是由公務員領導，他們的工作是嚇唬公眾，任意豁免一個國家並禁止另一個國家。那將被稱為領導力。
Israel's real Iran deal fear: US disengagement from Middle East - opinion
What makes this situation of great concern is what it says about American involvement in the world.
By YAAKOV KATZ
Published: DECEMBER 9, 2021 19:46
US PRESIDENT Joe Biden delivers remarks on Afghanistan during a speech at the White House in August.
(photo credit: REUTERS/CARLOS BARRIA)
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In October 2019, Donald Trump stunned Israel and pretty much every other American ally when announcing his decision to withdraw troops from Syria. The move was made as a gesture to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan whose hostility for the Kurdish forces the US was supporting was no secret.
The Israeli shock was hard to hide. Concerned how it would grapple alone with the growing presence of Iranian and Russian forces in Syria, all Israelis – from across the political spectrum – cried out in protest. While the US never went ahead with the full withdrawal – it did downscale numbers – Trump’s move should not have surprised a soul in Jerusalem.
The reason is because ever since the presidency of Barack Obama, the US has been on a clear trajectory of scaling back its presence in the Middle East, partly a reactionary move to the two terms of George W. Bush, which saw wars started in Afghanistan and Iraq, and partly due to an understanding that after years of not seeing success it was time to bring the troops home.
This is important to keep in mind because the tension right now being felt between Jerusalem and Washington DC is not just about the possibility that the Biden administration will lead the P5+1 into a bad deal with Iran. It is about something far broader – the future of American involvement in the Middle East.
The signs are worrisome. Already during the campaign, Joe Biden – like Trump – vowed to end the so-called “forever wars,” first and foremost the one in Afghanistan. When he abruptly pulled out last summer, though, Americans and the rest of the world were aghast; not because Biden kept his word but because of the consequences and the Taliban’s immediate takeover of the country.
TALIBAN FORCES patrol in front of Hamid Karzai International Airport in Kabul, Afghanistan, September 2 (credit: STRINGER/ REUTERS)
For Biden, however, it seemed that the consequences were less important. What was important was getting out. What happened next mattered less.
And this is what Israel’s fear is when it looks at the Iran talks that took place last week in Vienna and which were renewed on Thursday. Deep down, Israel has understood for a while that not much can be expected from the talks, but the opposition to a possible deal needs to be looked at not just because of what it means for Iran, but also because of what it means for America.
The question is whether Biden really cares, and that is something about which Israel is not yet certain. On the one hand, there is the Biden promise that Iran will “never” be allowed to obtain a nuclear weapon. On the other hand, his refusal to take more aggressive steps, to up US threats against Iran beyond the boilerplate “all options are on the table” creates concern in Jerusalem that the president wants to do with Iran what he did with Afghanistan – make a deal, get out and forget about the consequences.
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Biden should not be envied. The hand he received when entering office was not good. When Trump pulled out of the Iran deal in 2018, nothing came in its place, and when Iran went ahead and violated the deal – upping enrichment of uranium and more – there was no real price to pay. Trump officials figured that if they had won the 2020 election, Iran would not have had a choice but to surrender to a tougher deal. That of course never happened.
From the beginning, it was obvious that Biden was going to try to return to the deal. He made that clear during the campaign. Israel’s goal was to try to get him to fight for a tougher deal, one that would ensure Iran stays further away from a bomb than before.
ONE OF the problems in the way Israel and the US view the Iranian nuclear program is that the countries are often looking at different cutoff lines. Israel does not want Iran to become even a nuclear threshold country, one that has amassed enough enriched uranium, has mastered all of the processes to build a bomb and is now just waiting for the decision to do so.
The US looks at things differently. It, like Biden has said, does not want Iran to get a bomb. Stopping it at the threshold, therefore, is not as important when just preventing a bomb is the goal.
Prime Minister Naftali Bennett knows this, just like he knows that all the threats coming out of Jerusalem are not being taken seriously by the US, Iran or any of the other parties to the nuclear negotiations. The reason is because, for the moment, Israel does not have a viable military option available. That might change but it will take some time.
However, even once there is a military option on the table, the proponents of using it need to keep in mind that attacking Iran’s nuclear facilities is not like the attack against Syria’s reactor in 2007 or Iraq’s reactor in 1981. Then, both countries had one main facility above ground that once it was destroyed, pretty much meant the end of the nuclear program. In addition, the scientific know-how was foreign. In Syria, the reactor was being built by North Korea and in Iraq by the French.
In Iran, the technical know-how is domestic. Iranians are building the facilities and the centrifuges. Iranians are operating them and Iranians are enriching the uranium. This is a huge difference, since even if Israel were to attack and severely damage some of the facilities, the knowledge would still be there. That cannot be attacked in the same way.
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Does that mean all is lost? No. Israel is a powerful country, and while it would face an unprecedented threat from a nuclear Iran, that would not mean the end of the Zionist dream. Israel would still have means to defend itself as needed.
What makes this situation of great concern is what it says about American involvement in the world. Israelis like to say that, if needed, they will know how to protect themselves by themselves, but there is no underestimating the importance of the alliance with the US.
An America uninterested in the Middle East means an America that will no longer feel compelled to supply Israel with the most advanced weapons platforms, an America that would not feel a need to veto anti-Israel resolutions at the United Nations Security Council, and an America that would not care if Israel normalizes ties with additional Arab states.
Ironically, it was exactly this policy in the Middle East under Barack Obama that helped bring Israel and the Gulf states together. When the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia and Bahrain saw the US make a bad deal with Iran, they knew they needed a new strategic partner, and there was no one better at the time than Israel.
While that is positive, it is not yet a replacement for the United States and the value of the strategic alliance with Israel. However, it doesn’t mean that Israel does not need to start considering what will happen if this policy of disengagement continues. And that, ultimately, is what has people in Jerusalem concerned.
***
OVER THE last two years, we’ve become used to arbitrary decisions being made by the government pertaining to the battle against the spread of the coronavirus. During lockdowns, for example, there were different distances you could travel from your home. First it was one kilometer and then 500 meters. Why the difference? Who really knows?
Another example was the decision by the government in October not to accept American recovery certificates since they are not digitized like in the European Union. What this meant – back when Israel was open to foreigners in November – was that someone from Estonia who recovered from COVID-19 and had no ties with the Jewish state could be allowed in, but someone who runs a Jewish organization with deep ties in Israel and had recovered as well, could not.
There were plenty of cases like this. Heads of organizations, trustees of massive foundations that gave money to Israeli hospitals and more, were not allowed into Israel last month because they had recovered and only had one or two shots, not the three mandated by Israel.
Does this make sense? Not at all. The same absurdity was evident this week when Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked decided – after a smart campaign by advocacy groups – to allow parents of expectant mothers into Israel to help with the births and child care. These are all women and men who are fully vaccinated but because of the ban on foreigners were not being allowed in.
The reason? Who knows anymore?
After two years into this pandemic, it is time for Israel and other countries to realize that shutdowns and closures are no longer effective tools. Life has to be able to go on. People need to vaccinate and once they are, the restrictions need to be limited.
Instead, the government in Jerusalem prefers panic over reasoning. Pfizer says that someone vaccinated with three shots is protected against Omicron? So what, says the Health Ministry, which wants to keep the ban on foreigners and the extended quarantine upon arrival in the country in place.
Why? It’s unclear. The government led by Bennett needs to articulate a clear policy and not be led by civil servants whose job is to scare the public and arbitrarily exempt one country and ban another. That would be called leadership.
以色列作家大衛格羅斯曼暗示以色列已成為“種族隔離”
大衛·格羅斯曼 (David Grossman) 之前曾用“種族隔離”一詞來形容以色列。
作者：SHIRA HANAU/JTA
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 10 日 02:44
大衛·格羅斯曼在他的每一本書中都面臨著死亡的概念。
（圖片來源：OFER YANUV）
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以色列著名作家大衛格羅斯曼在接受以色列國防軍廣播電台 Galatz 採訪時談到以色列政府的狀況時表示，以色列已經變成了一個“種族隔離”政權。
“也許它不應再被稱為'職業'，但還有更嚴厲的名稱，例如'種族隔離'，”他在周四的採訪中說。
談到今年早些時候上任並由納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 領導的以色列政府，格羅斯曼稱新政府“良好且重要”。
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繼續觀看以色列的 COVID 爆發變得“重要” - HU廣告後
“但它不能做最重要的事情：治愈以色列佔領的病態邪惡，”他說。
格羅斯曼之前曾用“種族隔離”一詞來形容以色列。這位作家於 2006 年在第二次黎巴嫩戰爭中失去了一個兒子，他在 2018 年的一次活動中向一群在以巴衝突中失去家人的以色列人和巴勒斯坦人發表了講話。
以色列作家大衛·格羅斯曼 (David Grossman) 因其小說“Une femme fuyant l'annonce”獲得美第奇斯外國圖書獎後為攝影師擺姿勢（圖片來源：REUTERS）
“但是，當以色列佔領和壓迫另一個國家長達 51 年，並在被佔領土上造成
種族隔離的現實時——它變得不再像一個家，”他說。
2018 年，格羅斯曼榮獲以色列最高平民榮譽以色列獎，以表彰他對希伯來文學的貢獻。該獎項由教育部任命的委員會頒發。在格羅斯曼獲得榮譽的時候，貝內特是教育部長。
格羅斯曼的作品已被翻譯成數十種語言並經常涉及以巴衝突，還贏得了其他著名獎項，如曼布克獎和猶太圖書委員會的國家猶太圖書獎。
Israeli author David Grossman suggests Israel has become ‘apartheid’
David Grossman has used the word “apartheid” to describe Israel before.
By SHIRA HANAU/JTA
Published: DECEMBER 10, 2021 02:44
DAVID GROSSMAN faces the concept of death in every one of his books.
(photo credit: OFER YANUV)
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Speaking about the state of Israel’s government in an interview with Galatz, the Israel Defense Forces’ radio station, prominent Israeli author David Grossman suggested Israel had turned into an “apartheid” regime.
“Maybe it should no longer be called an ‘occupation,’ but there are much harsher names, like ‘apartheid,’ for example,” he said in the interview Thursday.
Speaking about the Israeli government that took office earlier this year and is led by Naftali Bennett, Grossman called the new government “good and important.”
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“But it cannot do the most important thing: cure Israel of the sick evil that is the occupation,” he said.
Grossman has used the word “apartheid” to describe Israel before. The writer, who lost a son in the second Lebanon War in 2006, addressed a group of Israelis and Palestinians who have lost family members in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict at an event in 2018.
Israeli author David Grossman poses for photographers after he received the Medicis Foreign book award for his novel ''Une femme fuyant l'annonce'' (credit: REUTERS)
“But when Israel occupies and oppresses another nation, for 51 years, and creates an
apartheid
reality in the occupied territories — it becomes a lot less of a home,” he said.
Grossman was honored with the Israel Prize, the country’s top civilian honor, in 2018, in recognition of his contributions to Hebrew literature. The prize is awarded by a committee appointed by the education ministry. At the time that Grossman was honored, Bennett was the minister of education.
Grossman’s works, which have been translated into dozens of languages and often address the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, have won other prestigious awards such as the Man Booker Prize and the Jewish Book Council’s National Jewish Book Award.
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