2021.12.03 國際新聞導讀-紐約聯合國總部遭一武奘男性徘徊遭逮捕、以色列告訴美國別等了、亞伯拉罕協議使以色列與阿拉伯國家改善關係並通商通航、以色列雇用伊朗科學家攻擊伊朗核設施

蘇老師講解國際新聞、中東與中亞歷史、中國事務、太空知識的頻道。 Diplomat's daily news review and history research on Middle East and Central Asia, China Affairs and Space Exploration

2021.12.03 國際新聞導讀-紐約聯合國總部遭一武奘男性徘徊遭逮捕、以色列告訴美國別等了、亞伯拉罕協議使以色列與阿拉伯國家改善關係並通商通航、以色列雇用伊朗科學家攻擊伊朗核設施
在聯合國入口與紐約警察局對峙的武裝人員投降
現場的紐約警察局要求該男子放下武器。
作者：GADI ZAIG
週四，一名武裝人員在聯合國總部門前向警方自首，因為他引起了官員的回應，並於週四封鎖了紐約曼哈頓大樓附近的道路。
下面的視頻顯示該男子在自首之前在聯合國大樓前來回踱步。
現場的紐約警察局要求該男子放下武器。據紐約警察局發言人稱，警方還試圖與這名武裝男子建立對話，他們將其描述為一名 60 多歲的白人男子。
紐約警察局表示，這名男子現已被警方拘留，不構成威脅。
據Pix 11 報導，事件發生後，聯合國工作人員不得不就地避難。
紐約警察局今天早些時候在推特上警告市民避開“42 街和第一大道區域”，並“期待周邊地區有緊急車輛”。
路透社為本報告做出了貢獻。
Armed man in standoff with NYPD at UN entrance surrenders
NYPD on the scene asked the man to put his weapon down.
By GADI ZAIG
The sun shines behind the United Nations Secretariat Building at the United Nations Headquarters. New York City, New York, U.S., June 18, 2021.
(photo credit: REUTERS/ANDREW KELLY/FILE PHOTO)
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An armed man in front of the UN headquarters has surrendered to police after he prompted a response from officers, blocking the road near the building in Manhattan, New York on Thursday.
The video below shows the man pacing back and forth in front of the UN building before he turned himself in.
NYPD on the scene asked the man to put his weapon down. Police are also trying to establish dialogue with the armed man, who they described as a white man in his 60s, according to an NYPD spokesman.
The man is now in police custody and poses no threat, the NYPD said.
UN staff had to shelter in place as a result of the incident, according to Pix 11.
The NYPD tweeted earlier today warning citizens to avoid "the area of 42 Street and 1st Avenue" and to also "expect emergency vehicles in the surrounding area."
Reuters contributed to this report.
129個國家無視猶太人與聖殿山的聯繫，稱其為純穆斯林
反對該文本的美國表示，對於三個信仰的聖地，省略包容性術語是“真正而嚴重的關切”。
作者：托瓦·拉扎羅夫
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 03:14
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 22:14
週三，聖殿山上的猶太遊客。
（照片來源：聖殿山管理處）
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聯合國大會周三批准了一項第 129-11 號決議，該決議否認猶太人與聖殿山的聯繫，並僅以其穆斯林名稱 al-Haram al-Sharif 來稱呼它。
這份被稱為“耶路撒冷決議”的文本是巴勒斯坦權力機構和阿拉伯國家在整個聯合國系統內推動將猶太教最神聖的地方重新命名為完全伊斯蘭教的地方的一部分。
反對該文本的美國表示，對於三個信仰的聖地，省略包容性術語是“真正而嚴重的關切”。
它位於耶路撒冷舊城的中心，是 2000 年前古老的猶太聖殿所在地，是伊斯蘭教第三大聖地阿克薩清真寺的所在地。
美國特使告訴聯合國大會：“本機構成員支持否認”猶太教和基督教與聖殿山和謝里夫聖地有聯繫的語言，在道德、歷史和政治上都是錯誤的。
美國並不是唯一一個對缺乏包容性語言表示擔憂的國家。為了確保對該決議的支持，自大會上次於 2018 年以 148-11 批准該決議以來，該決議的作者進行了一些小的修改。該案文兩次提到 al-Haram al-Sharif，一次在決議的行動部分，一次在引言中。
猶太人在圓頂清真寺前的聖殿山祈禱傑瑞米·沙龍
這一次，al-Haram al-Sharif 一詞在介紹中僅被提及一次。儘管發生了這種轉變，對該決議的支持還是下降了，棄權的國家數量從 14 個增加到 31 個，翻了一番還多。
三年前，所有歐洲國家都支持該案文；今年，他們中的一些人改變了投票。
匈牙利和捷克共和國反對該決議，而奧地利、保加利亞、丹麥、德國、立陶宛、荷蘭、羅馬尼亞、斯洛伐克和斯洛文尼亞棄權。
一位英國特使說：“今天通過的決議以純伊斯蘭教的術語提及耶路撒冷的聖地，但不承認聖殿山的猶太術語。
“多年來，英國一直明確表示我們不同意這種做法——雖然我們歡迎刪除其中的大部分參考文獻，但我們對無法找到最終參考文獻的解決方案感到失望，”特使說。
“因此，英國今天將我們的投票從‘贊成’改為‘棄權’。如果不平衡的參考被刪除，英國就會準備好並願意投‘是’，”他說。
“這不應被誤解為英國對耶路撒冷政策發生變化的反映。相反，這是我們承諾承認耶路撒冷歷史對三個一神論宗教的重要信號。”
歐盟採取中間立場，歡迎巴勒斯坦權力機構和阿拉伯團體作出的修正案，以減少每年提交聯合國大會批准的約 20 項關於以色列的決議的數量。
“歐盟重申，每當在耶路撒冷決議中提及聖殿山/al-Haram al-Sharif 時，都應使用這兩個術語，即聖殿山和 al-Haram al-Sharif，”一位歐盟代表說。
他解釋說，任何與耶路撒冷有關的文本也是如此。
“歐盟呼籲各方不要否認其他宗教與耶路撒冷城及其聖地的歷史聯繫，從而試圖將其歷史合法化，”特使說。
儘管他的話，相當多的歐盟成員國批准了該文本，包括比利時、法國、西班牙和意大利。
巴勒斯坦駐聯合國大使利雅德·曼蘇爾感謝支持耶路撒冷案文的人，並指出這是“一個適當且必要的決議，為我們的人民帶來希望和支持”。
曼蘇爾說，它抵制了將巴以沖突轉變為“宗教對抗”的企圖，並補充說它依賴於聯合國安理會決議中已經批准的關於耶路撒冷的語言。
他呼籲聯合國接受巴勒斯坦為會員國，並追究以色列拒絕退回到 1967 年之前的路線的責任，以便落實兩國解決衝突的方案。
“我們永遠不會接受繼續生活在種族隔離制度的佔領之下；我們在祖國應得的自由和尊嚴，”曼蘇爾說。
以色列駐聯合國大使吉拉德·埃爾丹指責巴勒斯坦人企圖抹去猶太人的歷史。
“這些決議的虛偽真是令人髮指。關於耶路撒冷的決議沒有提及其古老的猶太根源，這不是無知的錯誤，而是企圖歪曲和改寫歷史！” 埃爾丹在投票前向聯合國大會發表講話時驚呼。
他描述了耶路撒冷對於猶太宗教慶典的重要性。
“在每一個猶太人的婚禮上，新婚夫婦都站在婚禮的天篷下，並保證永遠不會忘記他們與耶路撒冷的深厚的猶太人聯繫：'如果我忘記了你，耶路撒冷，我的右手可能會失去技巧，'”埃爾丹說。
投票發生在光明節的第四天，世界各地的猶太人慶祝馬加比勇士戰勝希臘人以及他們在公元前 164 年開墾了古老的猶太聖殿。
這是聯合國大會批准的關於以色列的三份案文之一。
大會以 148 票對 9 票、14 票棄權投票通過另一項名為“和平解決巴勒斯坦問題”的決議，該決議要求以色列撤回 1967 年前的路線，並要求國際社會拒絕對定居點活動“提供援助”。它還呼籲在莫斯科召開國際和平會議。
反對該案文的國家是澳大利亞、加拿大、匈牙利、以色列、馬紹爾群島、密克羅尼西亞、瑙魯、帕勞和美國。
第三項決議以 94 票對 8 票、69 票棄權通過，呼籲以色列從戈蘭撤出。反對者有澳大利亞、加拿大、以色列、馬紹爾群島、密克羅尼西亞、帕勞、英國和美國。
129 nations ignore Jewish ties to Temple Mount, call it solely Muslim
The United States, which opposed the text, said that the omission of inclusive terminology for the site sacred to three faiths was of "real and serious concern."
By TOVAH LAZAROFF
Published: DECEMBER 2, 2021 03:14
Updated: DECEMBER 2, 2021 22:14
Jewish visitors on the Temple Mount on Wednesday.
(photo credit: TEMPLE MOUNT ADMINISTRATION)
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The United Nations General Assembly approved a resolution 129-11 on Wednesday that disavowed Jewish ties to the Temple Mount and called it solely by its Muslim name of al-Haram al-Sharif.
The text, referred to as the “Jerusalem resolution,” is part of a push by the Palestinian Authority and the Arab states across the UN system to rebrand Judaism’s most holy site as an exclusively Islamic one.
The United States, which opposed the text, said that the omission of inclusive terminology for the site sacred to three faiths was of “real and serious concern.”
Located in the heart of Jerusalem’s Old City, it is where the ancient Jewish Temple stood 2,000 years ago, and it is the home of the Aksa Mosque compound which is Islam’s third holiest site.
“It is morally, historically and politically wrong for members of this body to support language that denies” both the Jewish and Christian connections to the Temple Mount and al-Haram al-Sharif, the US envoy told the UNGA.
The US has not been the only country to voice concern over the lack of inclusive language. In an attempt to ensure support for the resolution, its authors had made some small amendments since the General Assembly last approved the resolution in 2018 by 148-11. That text referenced al-Haram al-Sharif twice, once in the action portion of the resolution and once in the introduction.
Jewish man prays at the Temple Mount in front of the Dome of the RockJEREMY SHARON
This time, the phrase al-Haram al-Sharif was mentioned only once in the introduction. Despite this shift, support for the resolution dropped, with the number of countries that abstained more than doubling from 14 to 31.
Three years ago, all the European countries supported the text; this year a number of them changed their votes.
Hungary and the Czech Republic opposed the resolution, while Austria, Bulgaria, Denmark, Germany, Lithuania, the Netherlands, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia abstained.
A British envoy said that “the resolution adopted today refers to the holy sites in Jerusalem in purely Islamic terms without recognizing the Jewish terminology of Temple Mount.
“The UK has made clear for many years that we disagree with this approach – and while we welcome the removal of the majority of these references, we are disappointed that we were unable to find a solution to the final reference,” the envoy said.
“The UK has therefore moved our vote today from a ‘yes’ to an ‘abstention.’ If the unbalanced reference had been removed, the UK would have been ready and willing to vote ‘yes,’” he said.
“This should not be misunderstood as a reflection of a change in UK policy toward Jerusalem. Instead, it is an important signal of our commitment to recognizing the history of Jerusalem to the three monotheistic religions.”
The EU took a middle-of-the-road stance, welcoming amendments the PA and the Arab groups made to reduce the annual number of some 20 resolutions on Israel which they present to the UNGA for approval.
“The EU reiterates that whenever referring to the Temple Mount/al-Haram al-Sharif in the Jerusalem resolution, both terms, ie, Temple Mount and al-Haram al-Sharif should be used,” an EU representative said.
The same is true for any text relating to Jerusalem, he explained.
“The EU calls on all sides not to deny the historical ties of other religions to the city of Jerusalem and its holy places, thus trying to delegitimize their history,” the envoy said.
In spite of his words, a fair number of EU member states approved the text, including Belgium, France, Spain and Italy.
Palestinian Ambassador to the UN Riyad Mansour thanked those who support the Jerusalem text, noting that it was “an appropriate and needed resolution to give hope and support to our people.”
It pushed back at attempts to transform the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into a “religious confrontation,” Mansour said, adding that it relied on language on Jerusalem which had already been approved in UN Security Council resolutions.
He called on the UN to accept Palestine as a member state and to hold Israel accountable for its refusal to withdraw to the pre-1967 lines, so that a two-state resolution to the conflict can be implemented.
“We will never accept to continue living under occupation in an apartheid system; we deserve freedom and dignity in our homeland,” Mansour said.
Israel’s Ambassador to the UN Gilad Erdan accused the Palestinians of attempting to erase Jewish history.
“The hypocrisy of these resolutions is truly outrageous. A resolution about Jerusalem that does not refer to its ancient Jewish roots is not an ignorant mistake, but an attempt to distort and rewrite history!” Erdan exclaimed in a speech to the UNGA in advance of the vote.
He described how central Jerusalem is to Jewish religious celebrations.
“At every Jewish wedding ceremony, the newly married couple stands under the wedding canopy and pledges to never forget their deep Jewish connection to Jerusalem: ‘If I forget you, O Jerusalem, may my right hand lose its skill,’” Erdan said.
The vote took place on the fourth day of the Hanukkah festival, in which Jews around the world celebrate the victory of the Maccabee warriors over the Greeks and their reclamation of the ancient Jewish Temple in 164 BCE.
It was one of three texts on Israel approved by the UNGA.
The assembly voted 148-9, with 14 abstentions, on another resolution called the Peaceful Settlement of the Question of Palestine, which demanded that Israel withdraw to the pre-1967 lines and that the international community refuse to “render assistance” to settlement activity. It also called for an international peace conference in Moscow.
The countries that opposed the text were Australia, Canada, Hungary, Israel, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Nauru, Palau and the United States.
The third resolution, approved 94-8 with 69 abstentions, called on Israel to withdraw from the Golan. Those who opposed it were Australia, Canada, Israel, Marshall Islands, Micronesia, Palau, the United Kingdom and the United States.
伊朗：美國和以色列目標相同，緊迫感大不相同
外交事務：以色列和美國在如何阻止伊朗核威脅的問題上存在分歧。
作者：HERB KEINON
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 21:51
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 21:53
貝內特總理在華盛頓會見拜登總統
（照片來源：AVI OHAYON - GPO）
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過去20年來，以色列和美國的領導人都表示不會讓伊朗獲得核武器。曾經。
如果真是這樣，那麼為什麼——除了唐納德特朗普擔任總統的幾年之外——這個問題一直是耶路撒冷和華盛頓之間摩擦的根源，包括現在，隨著世界大國和美國之間的談判重新開始伊朗上週一在維也納？
如果兩國說的基本相同——伊朗永遠不會擁有核武器——為什麼這個問題會毒化前總理本傑明·內塔尼亞胡和美國前總統巴拉克·奧巴馬之間的關係，為什麼它現在成為兩國之間第一個真正公開的爭論點？喬·拜登總統的政府和納夫塔利·貝內特總理的政府？
原因是：對於以色列來說，這是一個存在的問題，在一定程度上它不適用於美國。
了解華盛頓和耶路撒冷之間的差異，就是了解以色列和美國對伊朗威脅的不同看法，他們給問題帶來的不同創傷，以及他們認為需要採取軍事行動的不同點或觸發點。阻止伊朗發展核武器。
2021 年 5 月 24 日，在奧地利維也納，在冠狀病毒病 (COVID-19) 大流行期間，伊朗國旗飄揚在國際原子能機構總部所在的聯合國辦公大樓前。（來源：LISI NIESNER/REUTERS）
這些差異被稱為“三個 T”：威脅、創傷和触發因素。
但在處理“三個 T”之前，值得強調的是哪裡有一致意見。回到喬治·W·布什身邊的每一位美國總統，以及自阿里爾·沙龍以來的每一位以色列總理，都明確表示他們的國家永遠不會支持擁有核武器的伊朗。
“不，我們已經明確表示，我們的立場是他們不會擁有核武器，”當時的總統喬治·W·布什在 2004 年 9 月接受福克斯新聞採訪時談到伊朗的核計劃時說。
他的繼任者巴拉克奧巴馬多次做出同樣的承諾，包括在 2012 年 1 月的國情咨文中。
“毫無疑問：美國決心阻止伊朗獲得核武器。” 他說，“為了實現這個目標，我不會放棄任何選擇。”
在德黑蘭宣布將不再遵守 2015 年核協議的限制後，2018 年退出核協議的特朗普於 2020 年 1 月 6 日發布了以下推文：“伊朗永遠不會擁有核武器！”
甚至拜登的使者目前正在維也納試圖與伊朗人敲定一項新的核協議，他在 6 月份告訴前總統魯文·里夫林，“在我看來，伊朗永遠不會擁有核武器。”
在以色列，自沙龍時代以來，“我們不會讓伊朗擁有核武器”的聲明不斷出現。
2005 年 12 月，就在輕微中風之前，沙龍 - 一直強調伊朗擁有核的幽靈是世界，而不僅僅是以色列，必須應對的幽靈 - 表示耶路撒冷“不能接受一個擁有核的伊朗”。
埃胡德奧爾默特在沙龍遭受第二次、使人衰弱的中風後一個多月後接替沙龍，他在他的第一次公開外交政策評論中說，以色列在任何情況下都不能“允許任何人有這種惡意設計對付我們，控制可能威脅我們生存的毀滅性武器。”
內塔尼亞胡在他 12 年的任期內一再強調，以色列將“不允許伊朗發展核武器”，正如他在 2019 年 6 月發佈在 Facebook 上的視頻聲明中所說的那樣。
內塔尼亞胡在 2015 年與奧巴馬辯論的高峰期在國會聯席會議上發表講話時說：“我可以向你保證，猶太人在種族滅絕敵人面前保持被動的日子已經結束了。”關於核協議。
“我們不再分散在各國之間，無力自衛，”他繼續說道。“100 代以來，我們猶太人第一次可以為自己辯護。這就是為什麼作為以色列總理，我可以再向你保證一件事：即使以色列必須孤軍奮戰，以色列也會站起來。”
總理納夫塔利·貝內特（Naftali Bennett）最近表示，內塔尼亞胡在伊朗問題上言行不一，繼續承諾伊朗永遠不會獲得核武器的傳統。
貝內特在 9 月首次在聯合國大會上發表講話時說：“世界上有些人似乎認為伊朗追求核武器是不可避免的現實，或者他們只是厭倦了聽到它。以色列沒有這種特權。我們不會疲倦。我們不會允許伊朗獲得核武器。”
從前四任美國總統和前四任以色列總理的話來看，兩國在對付伊朗問題上有著共同的終極目標。他們不共享的是同樣的緊迫性，這是這三個 T 的結果。
關於第一個“T”，即威脅感知，以色列對伊朗的擔憂與美國有著根本的不同。
以色列在地理上離伊朗很近，美國離伊朗遠得多。伊朗多次明確威脅要摧毀以色列，對美國的威脅則更加謹慎。
就在上週六，也就是新會談將在維也納開始前兩天，伊斯蘭共和國武裝部隊發言人準將。Abolfazl Shekarchi，敦促以色列的消滅。
“我們不會因為以色列的毀滅而退縮，哪怕是一毫米。我們想摧毀世界上的猶太復國主義，”他告訴伊朗學生通訊社。
此外，伊朗對以色列構成重大威脅——比對美國更嚴重——如果它“只是”成為一個擁有製造炸彈的技術能力和交付它的資金的國家，即使它尚未做出政治決定把它們放在一起。
為什麼？因為伊朗作為一個核門檻國家——距離它決定完成炸彈只有很短的時間——將鼓勵其在該地區的所有代理人，首先是真主黨和哈馬斯。
想像一下，如果在核武器的門檻上受到伊朗的保護，以色列在與加沙的哈馬斯或黎巴嫩的真主黨，甚至是伊朗支持的敘利亞民兵打交道時會束手無策。如果以色列需要擔心某些行動會刺激伊朗越過核門檻，那麼它會發現要詆毀伊朗的代理人要困難得多。與華盛頓相比，耶路撒冷對真主黨和哈馬斯的擔憂更為直接和尖銳。
然後是創傷問題。國家就像人一樣，帶著自己的包袱和創傷處理各種問題。
以色列在接近伊朗時所承受的創傷是大屠殺——阻止一個否認大屠殺的國家獲得實施這一威脅的手段，大屠殺以另一場大屠殺威脅以色列。大屠殺是一種創傷，對以色列來說是真實的，它仍然可以嚐到，它支配著它對伊斯蘭共和國的整個處理方式。
美國在與伊朗打交道時給它帶來的創傷是完全不同的：伊拉克和阿富汗，不想捲入另一場中東戰爭，這將導致其付出巨大的鮮血和財富。這兩場長期衝突給美國帶來了創傷，並影響了它現在看待中東及其任何潛在軍事參與的方式。
雖然激發以色列活力的創傷——大屠殺——將其推向激進主義的方向，但美國最近在中東的創傷將其推向了相反的方向。
定義兩國差異的最後一個“T”是觸發點：必須採取行動的那一刻。假設美國和以色列在說他們不會讓伊朗獲得核彈時都是認真的，但在每個國家認為需要採取行動的時間方面仍然存在重大差異。這可以通過使用餅圖的比喻來最好地解釋。
試想一下，有人想烤櫻桃派，但其他人不想烤那個派。問題是你什麼時候採取行動來防止它？
您是否採取行動阻止廚師將所有原料收集在一起來烘烤餡餅——櫻桃、黃油、麵粉、雞蛋和水？或者你要等到麵包師即將從烤箱中取出餡餅上桌的最後一分鐘？
美國憑藉其強大的軍事能力，可以等到最後一刻終止伊朗的核計劃。正如前總理埃胡德·巴拉克（Ehud Barak）幾年前所說，美國對伊朗核設施的襲擊只需要“一晚的零頭”。
然而，以色列沒有同樣的奢侈，因為它沒有同樣的能力。如果它採取行動，正如傳言在過去幾年中在一系列秘密襲擊中所做的那樣，它必須儘早採取行動，以防止伊朗將桌面上的所有核成分準備好放入烤箱。
進入維也納會談後，美國向以色列保證不會讓伊朗烤自己的核餡餅。但隨著伊朗危險地接近將所有成分完美排列並準備好混合在一起，以色列對美國保證的信心非常低。•
Iran: US, Israel have the same goal, vastly different sense of urgency
DIPLOMATIC AFFAIRS: Israel and the US have a divergent path on how to stop the Iranian nuclear threat.
By HERB KEINON
Published: DECEMBER 2, 2021 21:51
Updated: DECEMBER 2, 2021 21:53
PM Bennett meets with President Biden in Washington
(photo credit: AVI OHAYON - GPO)
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For the last 20 years, the leaders of both Israel and the United States have said they would not let Iran obtain nuclear weapons. Ever.
If that is the case, then why – except for a few years when Donald Trump was president – has this issue been such a long-standing source of friction between Jerusalem and Washington, including now, with the renewal of negotiations between the world powers and Iran in Vienna last Monday?
If both countries are saying essentially the same thing – that Iran will never get nuclear weapons – why did the issue poison relations between former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former US president Barack Obama, and why is it now the first real public point of contention between President Joe Biden’s administration and that of Prime Minister Naftali Bennett?
The reason: for Israel, this is an existential issue to a degree that it is not for the United States.
To understand the differences between Washington and Jerusalem is to understand the different ways Israel and the US perceive the Iranian threat, the different traumas they bring to the issue, and the different points – or triggers – at which they feel military action will be needed to prevent Iran from going nuclear.
Iranian flag flies in front of the UN office building, housing IAEA headquarters, amid the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, in Vienna, Austria, May 24, 2021. (credit: LISI NIESNER/ REUTERS)
These differences have been referred to as the “three Ts”: threat, trauma and triggers.
BUT BEFORE dealing with the “three Ts”, it is worth highlighting where there is agreement. Every US president going back to George W. Bush, and every Israeli prime minister since Ariel Sharon, has made it clear that their country could never countenance a nuclear-armed Iran.
“No, we’ve made it clear, our position is that they won’t have a nuclear weapon,” then-president George W. Bush said in a Fox News interview in September 2004 about Iran’s nuclear program.
His successor, Barack Obama, made the same promise several times, including in his January 2012 State of the Union Address.
“Let there be no doubt: America is determined to prevent Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.” he said, “and I will take no options off the table to achieve that goal.”
Trump, who withdrew from the nuclear deal in 2018, tweeted the following on January 6, 2020, after Tehran announced it would no longer abide by the limits of the 2015 deal: “IRAN WILL NEVER HAVE A NUCLEAR WEAPON!”
And even Biden, whose emissaries are currently in Vienna trying to hammer out a new nuclear deal with the Iranians, told former president Reuven Rivlin in June, “Iran will never get a nuclear weapon on my watch.”
In Israel, too, statements that “we will not let Iran go nuclear” have come out consistently since Sharon’s days.
In December 2005, just before suffering a minor stroke, Sharon – who always stressed that the specter of a nuclear Iran was one that the world, not only Israel, had to deal with – stated that Jerusalem “cannot accept a nuclear Iran.”
Ehud Olmert, who took over from Sharon a little over a month later after Sharon’s suffered a second, debilitating, stroke, said in his first public foreign policy comments that Israel could not, under any circumstances, “allow anyone with these kinds of malicious designs against us, have control of weapons of destruction that can threaten our existence.”
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Netanyahu stressed over and over during his 12-year tenure that Israel would “not allow Iran to develop nuclear weapons,” as he put it in a June 2019 video statement posted on Facebook.
“I can guarantee you this, the days when the Jewish people remained passive in the face of genocidal enemies, those days are over,” Netanyahu said in a speech to a joint session of Congress in 2015, at the height of the debate with Obama over the nuclear deal.
“We are no longer scattered among the nations, powerless to defend ourselves,” he continued. “For the first time in 100 generations, we, the Jewish people, can defend ourselves. This is why as a prime minister of Israel, I can promise you one more thing: Even if Israel has to stand alone, Israel will stand.”
And Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who said recently that when it came to Iran Netanyahu was more words than action, carried on with the tradition of pledging that Iran would never get nuclear arms.
In his maiden address to the United Nations General Assembly in September, Bennett said: “There are those in the world who seem to view Iran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons as an inevitable reality, or they’ve just become tired of hearing about it. Israel doesn’t have that privilege. We will not tire. We will not allow Iran to acquire a nuclear weapon.”
Judging by the words of the last four US presidents and the last four Israeli prime ministers, the two countries share the same ultimate goal vis-a-vis Iran. What they don’t share is the same urgency, and this is a result of those three Ts.
REGARDING the first ”T”, threat perception, Israel’s concern about Iran is fundamentally different from that of the US.
Israel is geographically close to Iran, the US is much farther away. Iran has repeatedly made explicit threats to destroy Israel, it has been more circumspect in its threats toward the US.
Just last Saturday, two days before the new talks were to begin in Vienna, the spokesman for the Islamic Republic’s armed forces, Brig.-Gen. Abolfazl Shekarchi, urged Israel’s elimination.
“We will not back off from the annihilation of Israel, even one millimeter. We want to destroy Zionism in the world,” he told the Iranian Students News Agency.
Moreover, Iran poses a significant threat to Israel – much more so than to America – if it “only” becomes a state with the technical capacity to build a bomb and the wherewithal to deliver it, even if it has not yet made the political decision to put it all together.
Why? Because Iran, as a nuclear threshold state – just a short time from completing a bomb when it so decides – will embolden all its proxies in the region, foremost Hezbollah and Hamas.
Imagine the degree to which Israel’s hands would be tied in dealing with Hamas in Gaza or Hezbollah in Lebanon, or even Iranian-supported militias in Syria, if they were protected by Iran on the threshold of nuclear arms. Israel will find it much more difficult to defang Iran’s proxies if it needs to worry that certain actions will spur Iran over the nuclear threshold. And a concern about Hezbollah and Hamas is much more immediate and acute for Jerusalem, than it is for Washington.
Then there is the issue of trauma. Nations, like people, approach various issues carrying their own baggage, their own traumas.
The trauma that Israel carries with it when approaching Iran is the Holocaust – preventing a country that denies the Holocaust, which threatens Israel with another Holocaust, from getting the means to carry out that threat. The Holocaust is a trauma that for Israel is real, that it can still taste, and that governs its entire approach to the Islamic Republic.
The trauma that the US brings to its dealings with Iran is completely different: Iraq and Afghanistan and not wanting to get sucked into yet another Middle East war that will cost it enormously in blood and treasure. Those two long conflicts traumatized America and color the way it now looks at the Middle East and any potential military engagement in it.
While the trauma animating Israel – the Holocaust – pushes it toward an activist approach, America’s recent traumas in the Mideast push it in the opposite direction.
The last “T” that defines the differences between the two countries is the trigger: that point when action must be taken. Going on the assumption that both the US and Israel mean it when they say that they will not let Iran get a nuclear bomb, there are still significant differences regarding when each country believes action needs to be taken. And this can best be explained by using a pie metaphor.
Imagine for a moment that someone wants to bake a cherry pie, but someone else wants to keep that pie from being baked. The question is when do you take action to prevent it?
Do you act to keep the cook from gathering all the ingredients together to bake the pie – the cherries, the butter, flour, eggs and water? Or do you wait until the very last minute when the baker is just about to take the pie out of the oven and serve it?
The United States, because of its tremendous military capabilities, can wait until the last possible moment to knock out Iran’s nuclear program. As former prime minister Ehud Barak said a few years ago, an American attack against Iran’s nuclear facilities would take “a fraction of one night.”
Israel, however, does not have the same luxury, because it does not have the same capabilities. If it acts, as it is rumored to have done over the last number of years in a series of covert attacks, it must do so earlier to keep Iran from getting all the nuclear ingredients on the table ready to go into the oven.
Going into the talks in Vienna, the US is reassuring Israel that it won’t allow Iran to bake its nuclear pie. But with Iran getting perilously close to having all the ingredients perfectly lined up and ready to mix together, Israel’s confidence in the US assurances is very low.•
以色列-阿拉伯貿易：中東和平在望嗎？
中東以色列：阿以貿易的新突破在一定程度上證明了西蒙佩雷斯的新中東願景。
作者：AMOTZ ASA-EL
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 21:09
上個月，在拉巴特，國防部長本尼·甘茨 (Benny Gantz) 與摩洛哥武裝部隊監察長貝爾基爾·法魯克 (Belkhir El Farouk) 一起檢閱儀仗隊。
（圖片來源：國防部通過路透社）
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越來越嚴重了 幾十年來，阿以合作充其量只是一則軼事，最糟糕的是一場悲劇，現在突然出現了。最近幾個月以色列與其昔日敵人之間的交易數量、內容和範圍令人眼花繚亂。
在摩洛哥拉巴特，國防部長本尼·甘茨和摩洛哥國防部長阿卜杜拉蒂夫·盧迪伊簽署了一項協議，為以色列-摩洛哥的武器交易、情報合作和聯合軍事演習鋪平了道路。
與之前的以色列-阿拉伯交易不同，這次交易是在光天化日之下完成的，以至於兩份摩洛哥日報，阿拉伯語的 Ahdath Maghribia 和法語的 L'Observateur du Maroc，發表了 Gantz 的一篇文章，他在其中稱讚兩國共同的歷史和未來。
那是上周星期三發生的。週一，能源部長 Karine Elharrar、約旦水利部長 Mohammed Al-Najjar 和阿聯酋環境部長 Mariam Almheiri 在阿布扎比簽署了一項協議，該協議將使以色列為約旦淡化海水，約旦提供以色列太陽能，阿聯酋提供約旦這筆交易的太陽能發電廠的資金。
十天前，以色列、阿聯酋和巴林的軍艦在紅海聯合機動，即使對於摩西曾經分開的水域來說，這一景像也是戲劇性的。再說一次，與以色列與其新的和平夥伴之間的商業活動相比，這種海軍大張旗鼓是軼事。
在簽署了歷史性的國防合作諒解備忘錄後，以色列國防部長本尼·甘茨與摩洛哥國防部長阿卜杜拉蒂夫·盧迪伊一起被看到。2021 年 11 月 24 日。（來源：國防部）
在以色列和阿聯酋建立正式關係的前六個月，其交易額飆升至 6.1 億美元，阿聯酋啟動了 100 億美元的以色列戰略投資基金，這突顯了這一點，而幾乎所有類型的以色列產品都開始湧入阿聯酋。
以色列農民一直在向東運送新鮮收穫的棗子，以色列航空航天工業公司簽署了一項聯合製造海軍武器的協議，Clalit Health Fund 與阿聯酋保險公司 Dama 簽署了一項協議，在預防和數字醫學方面進行聯合研究，這些只是一個樣本大騷動，這就解釋了為什麼迪拉姆現在在特拉維夫的貨幣市場上正式交易。
這當然是除了亞伯拉罕協議解除迪拜和特拉維夫之間繁忙的空中交通之外。自這兩個目的地之間開通直航一年以來，僅在 2020 年 12 月就有 67,000 名以色列人抵達，El Al 表示，它將每週飛往迪拜 14 趟航班，加入其他八家已經開通這條航線的航空公司的行列。阿聯酋的阿聯酋航空剛剛宣布將每天飛往特拉維夫。
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那麼，這是否是我們在伊扎克·拉賓和西蒙·佩雷斯從奧斯陸協議簽署儀式飛到不久之後主持第一屆中東-北非經濟峰會的摩洛哥國王哈桑二世時夢寐以求的新中東？
正如佩雷斯所闡述的，新中東願景預見到一個經濟互聯的地區，在該地區，人員、貨物和信貸將像在歐洲和北美一樣自由流動。
他預測，阿拉伯領導人將加入這一趨勢，著手建設由工廠和大學組成、並以聯合機場和電網為點綴的地區公路和鐵路，其中一些將由地區開發銀行提供資金，而所有這些都將由一個軍事聯盟 a-la NATO 監督。
隨後的事件使這一願景成為天上的餡餅。戰爭扼殺了和平，首先是以色列和巴勒斯坦人之間的和平，然後是多個阿拉伯領土內的和平。在此之前，阿拉伯領導人實際上拒絕了佩雷斯的診斷，並拒絕改變中東經濟的運行方式。
現在佩雷斯被證明是正確的。公開與以色列建立經濟企業的政府正在遵循他的劇本，儘管在他寫下之後失去了一代。
正如本專欄在阿拉伯動亂 10 週年（“阿拉伯新政”，2020 年 12 月 20 日）上指出的那樣，導致過去 11 年阿拉伯內部暴力（包括敘利亞內戰）的苦難本可以避免阿拉伯世界的領導人接受了佩雷斯的新中東。
顯然，阿拉伯領導人從赤貧群眾推翻四位阿拉伯總統得出的結論是，如果他們不給人民更多的生計和尊嚴，他們的結局可能與穆阿邁爾·卡扎菲的結局相同。抗議之後的內戰進一步加劇了他們對人民憤怒的恐懼。
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現在，在突尼斯雜貨商 Mohamed Bouazizi 和多個阿拉伯首都著火 11 年後，阿拉伯世界在尋求和不尋求經濟轉型的政府之間分裂。
然而，佩雷斯的願景也有政治方面，現在比 1993 年更加難以捉摸。
受到東方集團垮台、蘇聯、共產主義思想、南美獨裁和南非種族隔離政權的啟發，所有這些都發生在奧斯陸協議簽署前不久，佩雷斯認為中東已準備好實現民主化。
更好的是，正如他在《新中東》(1995) 一書中所暗示的那樣，阿拉伯領導人會理解他們過度國防開支的徒勞，因此大幅削減開支，從而釋放新中東的創建所需的資源。
該預測的第二部分正在實現，因為阿拉伯最大的國防開支國沙特阿拉伯和埃及近年來確實減少了軍費開支。然而，在政治上，阿拉伯政權從過去十年的事件中得出的結論是收緊而不是放鬆他們的威權主義。
這適用於所有一直在加強與猶太國家貿易的政府。
就以色列而言，它早就意識到它無法重塑中東，就像美國意識到它無法重塑俄羅斯、阿富汗和伊拉克一樣。
因此，我們現在看到的是一個在政治上舊的中東內的經濟上的新中東。是西蒙·佩雷斯預見的靈丹妙藥嗎？不是。然而，與他的願景旨在抵消的流血、喪親之痛和仇恨相比，它更接近於這一點。
www.MiddleIsrael.net
作家的暢銷書 Mitzad Ha'ivelet Ha'yehudi（猶太愚蠢行軍，Yediot Sefarim，2019 年），是一部從古代到現代的猶太人領導權的修正主義歷史。
Israel-Arab trade: Is peace in the Middle East within sight?
MIDDLE ISRAEL: New breakthroughs in Arab-Israeli trade vindicate Shimon Peres's New Middle East vision – to a point.
By AMOTZ ASA-EL
Published: DECEMBER 2, 2021 21:09
DEFENSE MINISTER Benny Gantz reviews an honor guard with Moroccan Inspector-General of the Armed Forces Belkhir El Farouk, last month in Rabat.
(photo credit: Defense Ministry via Reuters)
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It’s getting serious. Arab-Israeli cooperation, for decades an anecdote at best, a tragedy at worst, is suddenly taking wing. The number, substance and scope of recent months’ deals between Israel and its former enemies are dizzying.
In Rabat, Morocco, Defense Minister Benny Gantz and Moroccan Defense Minister Abdellatif Loudiyi signed an agreement that paves the way for Israeli-Moroccan arms deals, intelligence cooperation, and joint military exercises.
Unlike previous Israeli-Arab deals, this one was done in broad daylight, so much so that two Moroccan dailies, the Arabic-language Ahdath Maghribia and the French-language L’Observateur du Maroc, published an article by Gantz, in which he hailed the two nations’ shared history and future.
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That happened Wednesday last week. On Monday, Energy Minister Karine Elharrar, Jordanian Water Minister Mohammed Al-Najjar and Emirati Environment Minister Mariam Almheiri signed, in Abu Dhabi, an agreement that will make Israel desalinate water for Jordan, and Jordan deliver Israel solar power, with the UAE delivering Jordan the capital for the deal’s solar-power plant.
Ten days before that, Israeli, Emirati and Bahraini warships maneuvered jointly in the Red Sea, a sight that was dramatic even for the waters that Moses once parted. Then again, that naval fanfare is anecdotal compared with what is happening commercially between Israel and its new peace partners.
Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz is seen alongside is Moroccan counterpart Abdellatif Loudiyi after signing a historic defense cooperation MOU. on November 24, 2021. (credit: DEFENSE MINISTRY)
In the first six months of formal relations between Israel and the Emirates, its volume soared to $610 million, underscored by the UAE’s launch of a $10 billion fund for strategic investments in Israel, while Israeli products of almost any type began flocking to the UAE.
Israeli farmers have been shipping east freshly harvested dates, Israel Aerospace Industries signed a deal for the joint manufacturing of naval weapons, Clalit Health Fund signed a deal with Emirati insurer Dama for joint research in preventive and digital medicine, and these are but samples of a great commotion, which explains why the dirham is now formally traded in Tel Aviv’s currency markets.
This is of course besides the hectic air traffic which the Abraham Accords uncorked between Dubai and Tel Aviv. A year since the inauguration of direct flights between the two destinations, and the arrivals of 67,000 Israelis in December 2020 alone, El Al said it will fly 14 weekly flights to Dubai, joining eight other airlines already flying this route. The UAE’s Emirates just announced it will fly to Tel Aviv daily.
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Is this, then, the New Middle East of which we dreamt back when Yitzhak Rabin and Shimon Peres flew from the Oslo Accords’ signing ceremony to Morocco’s King Hassan II, who soon afterward hosted the first Mideast-North Africa Economic Summit?
THE NEW Middle East vision, as articulated by Peres, foresaw an economically interconnected region in which people, goods, and credit would move as freely as they do within Europe and North America.
Arab leaders, he predicted, would join this trend and set out to create regional highways and railways laced by factories and universities and punctuated by joint airports and electricity grids, some of which would be fed by a regional development bank and all of which would be overseen by a military alliance a-la NATO.
Subsequent events rendered this vision a pie in the sky. War elbowed peace, first between Israel and the Palestinians, then within multiple Arab lands. Before that, Arab leaders effectively rejected Peres’s diagnosis and refused to change the way the Middle East’s economy was run.
Now Peres is vindicated. The governments that are openly building economic enterprises with Israel are following his script, albeit one lost generation after he wrote it.
As this column noted on the Arab upheaval’s 10th anniversary (“The Arab New Deal,” December 20, 2020), the misery that resulted in the past 11 years’ intra-Arab violence, including the Syrian civil war, would have been prevented had the Arab world’s leaders embraced Peres’s New Middle East.
Clearly, Arab leaders’ conclusion from the destitute masses’ toppling of four Arab presidents is that if they won’t give their people more livelihood and dignity, their end might be the same as Muammar Qaddafi’s. The civil wars that followed the protests further multiplied their fear of the people’s wrath.
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Now, 11 years after Tunisian grocer Mohamed Bouazizi set himself, and multiple Arab capitals, on fire, the Arab world is split between governments that do and don’t seek economic transformation.
However, Peres’s vision also had a political side, which is now even more elusive than it was in 1993.
INSPIRED BY the downfalls of the Eastern Bloc, the Soviet Union, the communist idea, South America’s dictatorships and South Africa’s apartheid regime, all of which happened shortly before the signing of the Oslo Accords, Peres assumed that the Middle East was ready to democratize.
Better yet, as he implied in his book The New Middle East (1995), Arab leaders would understand the futility of their excessive defense spending and therefore cut it sharply, thus freeing the resources that the New Middle East’s creation required.
The second part of this forecast is materializing, as the biggest Arab defense spenders, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, have indeed reduced their military spending in recent years. Politically, however, Arab regimes’ conclusion from the past decade’s events has been to tighten rather than relax their authoritarianism.
This goes for all the governments which have been intensifying trade with the Jewish state.
Israel, for its part, has long realized that it is in no position to reinvent the Middle East, much the way the US realized it is in no position to reinvent Russia, Afghanistan and Iraq.
And so, what we are now seeing unfold is an economically New Middle East within a politically Old Middle East. Is it the panacea Shimon Peres foresaw? It isn’t. It is, however, so much closer to that than to the bloodshed, bereavement and hatred which his vision was designed to offset.
www.MiddleIsrael.net
The writer’s bestselling Mitzad Ha’ivelet Ha’yehudi (The Jewish March of Folly, Yediot Sefarim, 2019), is a revisionist history of the Jewish people’s leadership from antiquity to modernity.
亞伯拉罕協議能否為中東帶來聖經時代的和平？- 面試
美國前駐以色列大使大衛弗里德曼和 TBN 總裁馬特克勞奇談論亞伯拉罕協議紀錄片、聖經敘事和中東的未來。
作者：瑪雅·賈夫·霍夫曼
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 20:10
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 21:07
巴林外交部長阿卜杜拉蒂夫·扎亞尼、以色列總理本傑明·內塔尼亞胡、美國總統唐納德·特朗普和阿拉伯聯合酋長國（阿聯酋）外長阿卜杜拉·本·扎耶德參加了亞伯拉罕協議的簽署，使以色列與部分中東地區的關係正常化
（圖片來源：REUTERS/TOM BRENNER）
廣告
在中東古代歷史的編年史中，一個名叫亞伯拉罕的人得到了上帝的應許，他將成為多國之父。
於是，一部名為《亞伯拉罕協議》的新紀錄片的第二集開始了，這部紀錄片以以色列及其阿拉伯鄰國去年簽署的和平條約命名。
從表面上看，這是一部關於簽署外交突破協議的電影的意外開場。但根據電影的執行製片人、前美國駐以色列大使大衛弗里德曼的說法，亞伯拉罕協議也“從聖經的角度來看具有非常重要的地位。
“我一直覺得[協議]標誌著猶太人和穆斯林的和解，這在聖經權威中是有利的，”他說。
該紀錄片的第一集由美國世界最大的基督教電視廣播公司 Trinity Broadcasting Network 製作，於今年早些時候播出。第二集定於 12 月 3 日星期五播出。
弗里德曼說，選擇一位基督教製片人來製作這部電影並非偶然。
美國前駐以色列大使大衛弗里德曼在耶路撒冷郵報年會上發表講話，2021 年 10 月 12 日（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST）
多一點聖經敘述，如紀錄片中所描述的：以色列的孩子是亞伯拉罕的兒子以撒的猶太后裔，從他的妻子莎拉。以實瑪利的子孫是亞伯拉罕的使女夏甲的阿拉伯後裔。
猶太先知摩西從以色列家誕生，並寫下了妥拉。幾個世紀後，耶穌——被基督徒視為他們的彌賽亞——在以色列家族中誕生，並撰寫了新約。然後，先知穆罕默德從以實瑪利家族誕生，古蘭經被寫成。
紀錄片說：“幾個世紀以來，亞伯拉罕信仰的三種宗教在沒有任何地方比耶路撒冷更能發生衝突。”
“我一直覺得猶太人和穆斯林的和解……是上帝旨意的實現，”弗里德曼說。
他指出，這種聖經基調並不是以色列與阿拉伯聯合酋長國、巴林和摩洛哥之間和平故事的“主要部分”，但“我希望它成為故事的一部分，我認為 TBN 會理解在某些方面，更世俗的生產者可能不會。”
電影本身——大約四個小時，每集持續大約一個小時——並不是針對任何特定的信仰，而是針對每個人。弗里德曼說，他想通過那些促成亞伯拉罕協議的人的聲音來講述亞伯拉罕協議的故事——從美國前總統唐納德特朗普到前副總統邁克彭斯，以及以色列、阿聯酋和其他領導人的聲音。
弗里德曼解釋說：“我們沒有以信仰為目標，但我們認為還有更多的事情發生，而不僅僅是外交突破。” “亞伯拉罕協議是一個事件，那些通過聖經的視角看待世界的人可以將其視為以賽亞預言實現的開始。”
這個預言刻在紐約聯合國大樓對面的牆上：“他們將把劍打成犁頭，把長矛打成修剪鉤；國不向國舉刀，也不再學習爭戰。”
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被推薦
TBN 總裁馬特·克勞奇 (Matt Crouch) 回憶起弗里德曼打電話給他關於這部紀錄片的那一天。
“一天晚上，我接到了前駐以色列大使大衛弗里德曼主動打來的電話，說了一些我永遠不會忘記的事情。他說：“你會記得亞伯拉罕、以撒和以實瑪利的兒子為了埋葬他們的父親而短暫地和解——並且從那時起一直在交戰。亞伯拉罕的兒子們 3000 年來第一次回到了一起。”
“讓我們去講那個故事吧！'”克勞奇說。“我當時同意與他合拍這部紀錄片。”
克勞奇從小就與以色列保持著他所說的“充滿愛意和長期保持的”關係，而且他的父母同樣依戀這個猶太國家。他去過以色列100多次。
“我在美國福音派基督徒中長大，我們熱愛並支持以色列，”他說。
他說，這種愛植根於聖經中的經文，例如創世記 12 章 3 節，其中說：“祝福你的人，我必祝福；咒詛你的，我必咒詛。” 他說他和他的廣播公司也從詩篇中汲取靈感。
為了製作這部電影，TBN 提供了大量預算和一個多人攝製組，他們周遊世界——從佛羅里達到華盛頓，到耶路撒冷、迪拜和卡薩布蘭卡等地。
這部紀錄片包括數十次採訪，包括前美國駐聯合國大使尼基·黑利、前特朗普高級顧問賈里德·庫什納、前國務卿邁克·蓬佩奧、彭斯和巴林外交部長阿卜杜拉蒂夫·本·拉希德·扎亞尼。
它讓觀眾回顧最近的歷史，白宮承認戈蘭高地的那一天，巴林和平促進繁榮會議，特朗普和平計劃的宣布等等。每個故事都是通過弗里德曼和他發生時在場的其他人之間的採訪來講述的。
這部電影包括引人入勝的音樂並捕捉新聞短片和輔助鏡頭，以幫助描繪文字所描述的內容。
除了美國電台，TBN 還在其一些國際頻道播放這部紀錄片。TBN 每天 24 小時在 33 個不同的全球網絡上以 17 種語言進行廣播，其中包括中東的幾個頻道。
但是克勞奇說弗里德曼是“這個項目的關鍵”，他帶來了他對這個主題的熱情以及他在擔任大使期間建立的人脈。
另外兩集預計將在 1 月和 2 月播出。克勞奇說，最終的計劃是對這部 4 小時長的電影進行“混搭”，這部電影將在 3 月的某個時候突出顯示。
他補充說，他不相信這部紀錄片已經完成，但會隨著潛在的新協議簽署或和平夥伴之間取得成功而進行修改。
“世界各地的人們都認識到，亞伯拉罕協議標誌著阿以關係的根本轉變，它們無疑將載入世界歷史，成為有史以來為促進中東和平與共同繁榮而採取的最重要措施之一，”克勞奇說。“我相信我們廣泛的四部分紀錄片，包含對主要參與者的深入採訪，揭示了這項期待已久的歷史性協議的挑戰性和復雜的細節，讓亞伯拉罕的兒子們重新團聚。”
如果這是聖經中的和平時代，很快就會有另一個協議嗎？
“我們將不得不讓上帝回答這個問題，”弗里德曼說。“但我相信我們已經開始了在以色列和穆斯林世界之間創造和平的過程，這是為整個世界帶來和平的重要組成部分。”
亞伯拉罕協議能否為中東帶來聖經時代的和平？- 面試
美國前駐以色列大使大衛弗里德曼和 TBN 總裁馬特克勞奇談論亞伯拉罕協議紀錄片、聖經敘事和中東的未來。
作者：瑪雅·賈夫·霍夫曼
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 20:10
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 21:07
巴林外交部長阿卜杜拉蒂夫·扎亞尼、以色列總理本傑明·內塔尼亞胡、美國總統唐納德·特朗普和阿拉伯聯合酋長國（阿聯酋）外長阿卜杜拉·本·扎耶德參加了亞伯拉罕協議的簽署，使以色列與部分中東地區的關係正常化
（圖片來源：REUTERS/TOM BRENNER）
廣告
在中東古代歷史的編年史中，一個名叫亞伯拉罕的人得到了上帝的應許，他將成為多國之父。
於是，一部名為《亞伯拉罕協議》的新紀錄片的第二集開始了，這部紀錄片以以色列及其阿拉伯鄰國去年簽署的和平條約命名。
從表面上看，這是一部關於簽署外交突破協議的電影的意外開場。但根據電影的執行製片人、前美國駐以色列大使大衛弗里德曼的說法，亞伯拉罕協議也“從聖經的角度來看具有非常重要的地位。
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“我一直覺得[協議]標誌著猶太人和穆斯林的和解，這在聖經權威中是有利的，”他說。
該紀錄片的第一集由美國世界最大的基督教電視廣播公司 Trinity Broadcasting Network 製作，於今年早些時候播出。第二集定於 12 月 3 日星期五播出。
弗里德曼說，選擇一位基督教製片人來製作這部電影並非偶然。
美國前駐以色列大使大衛弗里德曼在耶路撒冷郵報年會上發表講話，2021 年 10 月 12 日（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST）
多一點聖經敘述，如紀錄片中所描述的：以色列的孩子是亞伯拉罕的兒子以撒的猶太后裔，從他的妻子莎拉。以實瑪利的子孫是亞伯拉罕的使女夏甲的阿拉伯後裔。
泌尿科醫生：前列腺肥大？立即執行此操作（天才！）由medicalhelp.me 贊助
猶太先知摩西從以色列家誕生，並寫下了妥拉。幾個世紀後，耶穌——被基督徒視為他們的彌賽亞——在以色列家族中誕生，並撰寫了新約。然後，先知穆罕默德從以實瑪利家族誕生，古蘭經被寫成。
紀錄片說：“幾個世紀以來，亞伯拉罕信仰的三種宗教在沒有任何地方比耶路撒冷更能發生衝突。”
“我一直覺得猶太人和穆斯林的和解……是上帝旨意的實現，”弗里德曼說。
他指出，這種聖經基調並不是以色列與阿拉伯聯合酋長國、巴林和摩洛哥之間和平故事的“主要部分”，但“我希望它成為故事的一部分，我認為 TBN 會理解在某些方面，更世俗的生產者可能不會。”
電影本身——大約四個小時，每集持續大約一個小時——並不是針對任何特定的信仰，而是針對每個人。弗里德曼說，他想通過那些促成亞伯拉罕協議的人的聲音來講述亞伯拉罕協議的故事——從美國前總統唐納德特朗普到前副總統邁克彭斯，以及以色列、阿聯酋和其他領導人的聲音。
弗里德曼解釋說：“我們沒有以信仰為目標，但我們認為還有更多的事情發生，而不僅僅是外交突破。” “亞伯拉罕協議是一個事件，那些通過聖經的視角看待世界的人可以將其視為以賽亞預言實現的開始。”
這個預言刻在紐約聯合國大樓對面的牆上：“他們將把劍打成犁頭，把長矛打成修剪鉤；國不向國舉刀，也不再學習爭戰。”
泌尿科醫生：如果您的前列腺肥大，試試這個（觀看）由 healthtrend.live 贊助
被推薦
TBN 總裁馬特·克勞奇 (Matt Crouch) 回憶起弗里德曼打電話給他關於這部紀錄片的那一天。
“一天晚上，我接到了前駐以色列大使大衛弗里德曼主動打來的電話，說了一些我永遠不會忘記的事情。他說：“你會記得亞伯拉罕、以撒和以實瑪利的兒子為了埋葬他們的父親而短暫地和解——並且從那時起一直在交戰。亞伯拉罕的兒子們 3000 年來第一次回到了一起。”
“讓我們去講那個故事吧！'”克勞奇說。“我當時同意與他合拍這部紀錄片。”
克勞奇從小就與以色列保持著他所說的“充滿愛意和長期保持的”關係，而且他的父母同樣依戀這個猶太國家。他去過以色列100多次。
“我在美國福音派基督徒中長大，我們熱愛並支持以色列，”他說。
他說，這種愛植根於聖經中的經文，例如創世記 12 章 3 節，其中說：“祝福你的人，我必祝福；咒詛你的，我必咒詛。” 他說他和他的廣播公司也從詩篇中汲取靈感。
為了製作這部電影，TBN 提供了大量預算和一個多人攝製組，他們周遊世界——從佛羅里達到華盛頓，到耶路撒冷、迪拜和卡薩布蘭卡等地。
這部紀錄片包括數十次採訪，包括前美國駐聯合國大使尼基·黑利、前特朗普高級顧問賈里德·庫什納、前國務卿邁克·蓬佩奧、彭斯和巴林外交部長阿卜杜拉蒂夫·本·拉希德·扎亞尼。
它讓觀眾回顧最近的歷史，白宮承認戈蘭高地的那一天，巴林和平促進繁榮會議，特朗普和平計劃的宣布等等。每個故事都是通過弗里德曼和他發生時在場的其他人之間的採訪來講述的。
這部電影包括引人入勝的音樂並捕捉新聞短片和輔助鏡頭，以幫助描繪文字所描述的內容。
除了美國電台，TBN 還在其一些國際頻道播放這部紀錄片。TBN 每天 24 小時在 33 個不同的全球網絡上以 17 種語言進行廣播，其中包括中東的幾個頻道。
但是克勞奇說弗里德曼是“這個項目的關鍵”，他帶來了他對這個主題的熱情以及他在擔任大使期間建立的人脈。
另外兩集預計將在 1 月和 2 月播出。克勞奇說，最終的計劃是對這部 4 小時長的電影進行“混搭”，這部電影將在 3 月的某個時候突出顯示。
他補充說，他不相信這部紀錄片已經完成，但會隨著潛在的新協議簽署或和平夥伴之間取得成功而進行修改。
“世界各地的人們都認識到，亞伯拉罕協議標誌著阿以關係的根本轉變，它們無疑將載入世界歷史，成為有史以來為促進中東和平與共同繁榮而採取的最重要措施之一，”克勞奇說。“我相信我們廣泛的四部分紀錄片，包含對主要參與者的深入採訪，揭示了這項期待已久的歷史性協議的挑戰性和復雜的細節，讓亞伯拉罕的兒子們重新團聚。”
如果這是聖經中的和平時代，很快就會有另一個協議嗎？
“我們將不得不讓上帝回答這個問題，”弗里德曼說。“但我相信我們已經開始了在以色列和穆斯林世界之間創造和平的過程，這是為整個世界帶來和平的重要組成部分。”
摩薩德招募伊朗科學家炸毀核設施-報告
多達 10 名核科學家同意幫助摧毀納坦茲核設施的離心機。
通過耶路撒冷郵報STAFF
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 17:41
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 17:50
7 月 2 日，伊朗位於伊斯法罕的納坦茲核設施發生火災後，一棟受損建築的景象。
（圖片來源：伊朗原子能組織/WANA VIA REUTERS）
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在摩薩德是伊朗最安全的和重要的核設施之一破壞後面，他們通過謹慎招募團隊伊朗核科學家，根據由一個新的報告猶太紀事。
據報導，4 月份，多達 10 名核科學家同意幫助摧毀納坦茲核設施的離心機大廳。然而，他們似乎並不知道他們是代表以色列這樣做，而是為其他持不同政見者團體這樣做。
最終，納坦茲爆炸對納坦茲核電站造成了重大破壞。
Mossad recruited Iranian scientists to blow up nuclear facility - report
As many as 10 nuclear scientists agreed to help destroy centrifuges at the Natanz nuclear facility.
By JERUSALEM POST STAFF
Published: DECEMBER 2, 2021 17:41
Updated: DECEMBER 2, 2021 17:50
VIEW OF a damaged building after a fire broke out at Iran’s Natanz Nuclear Facility, in Isfahan on July 2.
(photo credit: ATOMIC ENERGY ORGANIZATION OF IRAN/WANA VIA REUTERS)
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The Mossad was behind the destruction of one of Iran's most secure and important nuclear facilities, and they did this by discreetly recruiting a team of Iranian nuclear scientists, according to a new report by the Jewish Chronicle.
According to the report, as many as 10 nuclear scientists agreed to help destroy the centrifuge hall at the Natanz nuclear facility in April. However, it seems they did not know they were doing this on behalf of Israel, but rather for other dissident groups.
Ultimately, the Natanz explosion caused significant destruction at the Natanz nuclear plant.
From the start, Iranian media and officials accused Israel of being behind the incident, something Israel has never commented on, despite originally referring to it as an accident. Others further speculated that the US was somehow involved
However, according to the JC, the destruction of the Natanz centrifuges was conducted by the Mossad alone, and had been in the works for years.
Iranian flag flies in front of the UN office building, housing IAEA headquarters, amid the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, in Vienna, Austria, May 24, 2021. (credit: LISI NIESNER/ REUTERS)
According to the report, explosives were hidden as early as 2019. Further, an armed drone was smuggled into the Islamic Republic piece by piece in order to eventually launch missiles at another site in Karaj.
Overall, the report claims three operations were planned in a period of just 18 months. This included the work of a thousand technicians, spies and on-the-ground operatives.
This is a developing story.
貝內特告訴布林肯，伊朗核談判必須停止
摩薩德酋長：伊朗永遠不會擁有核武器 *美國國務卿：“我們將在一兩天內知道伊朗是否是認真的”
作者：LAHAV HARKOV , TOVAH LAZAROFF
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 11:34
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 21:54
2021 年 11 月 29 日，伊朗首席核談判代表 Ali Bagheri Kani 和伊朗代表團成員在奧地利維也納等待 JCPOA 聯合委員會會議的開始。
（圖片來源：歐盟駐維也納代表團/通過路透社的講義）
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總理納夫塔利·貝內特週四告訴美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯，世界大國必須停止在維也納舉行的談判，以續簽 2015 年伊朗核協議，並對德黑蘭採取嚴格措施。
一位以色列消息人士強調：“總理談到了在談判的同時發生的伊朗在核領域的持續和挑釁性侵犯行為。”
“答案不是屈服於敲詐勒索，而是讓伊朗人立即為他們的勒索付出代價，”消息人士補充道。
在歐盟領導的伊朗和美國之間的間接會談的第四天，貝內特在耶路撒冷與布林肯進行了交談，這些會談暴露了雙方之間的巨大分歧，但沒有給解決帶來多大希望。
摩薩德首領大衛·巴尼亞週四晚間承諾，“伊朗不會擁有核武器——未來幾年不會，永遠不會。這是我個人的承諾：這是摩薩德的承諾。
巴尼亞說：“我們睜大眼睛，保持警惕，我們將與國防機構的同事一起，盡一切努力使以色列國遠離這種威脅，並以各種方式阻止它。”
2015 年在華盛頓國會山反對伊朗核協議。（來源：JONATHAN ERNST / REUTERS）
2015 年的協議，被稱為聯合綜合行動計劃 (JCPOA)，將伊朗濃縮鈾的純度限制在 3.67%，遠低於武器級的大約 90%，或伊朗在協議前達到的 20%。伊朗現在的濃縮程度不一，最高可達 60% 左右。
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11 月，科學與國際安全研究所報告說，伊朗有足夠的濃縮六氟化鈾，濃縮度接近 20%，60% 的濃縮鈾可以在短短三週內生產出足夠的武器級鈾來製造核武器。再過兩個月，伊朗就可以生產出足夠的武器級鈾來生產第二件武器。
國際原子能機構週三表示，伊朗已開始在其福爾多工廠使用先進的離心機生產濃縮鈾。
巴尼亞說，談到伊朗，“很明顯，民用目的不需要 60% 的濃縮鈾。除非打算發展核武器，否則不需要擁有數千台活動離心機的三個站點。”
巴尼亞說，如果在維也納達成的協議是“糟糕的”，那將是“無法忍受的”。
正在斯德哥爾摩參加歐洲安全與合作組織會議的布林肯被記者詢問是否會遵守貝內特的要求。
布林肯說，美國並沒有放棄談判，儘管沒有太多樂觀的理由。
“我們將非常非常快地知道，我想在接下來的一兩天內，伊朗是否是認真的，”布林肯說。
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“最近 [德黑蘭] 的舉動，最近的言論，並沒有給我們太多樂觀的理由，”布林肯說。“但即使時間已經很晚了，伊朗改變方向並有意義地參與以恢復對 JCPOA 的相互遵守也為時不晚。我們需要充分檢驗這個提議。”
儘管如此，布林肯說，“我們不會接受伊朗一方面建立其[核]計劃，另一方面在談判中拖延的現狀。這不會持續下去。”
關於貝內特，國務卿說：“我今天與貝內特總理進行了非常好的和詳細的交談。”
他承諾將“與以色列以及包括海灣地區在內的其他有關國家保持非常密切的聯繫，討論會談的現狀以及我們對談判進展或不進展的評估。”
一位以色列官員表示，貝內特與布林肯的談話漫長而艱難，大約 90% 的焦點都在伊朗。
總理表示反對取消伊朗的製裁，特別是在一項臨時協議的框架內，該協議將允許大量資金流入德黑蘭政權。
以色列反對 JCPOA，因為它沒有充分限制伊朗的鈾濃縮活動，事實上，在協議到期後，進一步濃縮活動合法化，這為最終的核彈鋪平了道路。此外，JCPOA 沒有解決伊朗在該地區的其他惡意行動。
但以色列官員表示，比 JCPOA 更糟糕的是一項臨時協議，幾乎不會限制伊朗的核計劃。德黑蘭一再表示，它只會就解除全面協議後美國的所有製裁進行談判，而不是核問題。
因此，耶路撒冷越來越擔心華盛頓正在考慮這樣一項協議，一些外交官稱之為“以少取少”，讓美國解除一些制裁，以換取伊朗凍結——而不是回滾——其核計劃。遠遠超出了 JCPOA 的限制。
核協議最初是在伊朗與六個世界大國之間簽署的：美國、俄羅斯、中國、法國、英國和德國。特朗普政府於 2018 年退出了該協議，但美國總統喬·拜登 (Joe Biden) 一直試圖重振該協議。
以色列的外交官一直在夜以繼日地工作，以影響美國、英國和法國的會談。本週早些時候，外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德在英國會見了首相鮑里斯·約翰遜，並在法國會見了總統埃馬紐埃爾·馬克龍。下週，國防部長本尼·甘茨將與美國官員討論伊朗問題。安全內閣定於週日下午開會討論伊朗問題。
針對貝內特呼籲停止談判和以色列的外交閃電戰，伊朗外交部發言人表示，“維也納核談判談判小組將不會收到貝爾福的指示。
“隨著維也納核談判的進展，以色列政權再次露出真面目，呼籲立即停止談判。這並不奇怪，”發言人繼續說道。
Anna Ahronheim、Tzvi Joffre 和路透社為本報告做出了貢獻。
Iran nuclear talks must be halted, Bennett tells Blinken
Mossad chief: Iran will never have a nuclear weapon * US Secretary of State: "We'll know in a day or two if Iran is serious"
By LAHAV HARKOV, TOVAH LAZAROFF
Published: DECEMBER 2, 2021 11:34
Updated: DECEMBER 2, 2021 21:54
Iran's chief nuclear negotiator Ali Bagheri Kani and members of the Iranian delegation wait for the start of a meeting of the JCPOA Joint Commission in Vienna, Austria November 29, 2021.
(photo credit: EU DELEGATION IN VIENNA/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)
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World powers must halt negotiations in Vienna to renew the 2015 Iran nuclear deal and impose strict measures against Tehran, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett told US Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Thursday.
“The prime minister addressed the ongoing and provocative violations of Iran in the nuclear field that are happening at the same time as the negotiations,” an Israeli source emphasized.
“The answer is not to give in to extortion but rather to make the Iranians pay an immediate price for their blackmail,” the source added.
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Bennett spoke to Blinken from Jerusalem on the fourth day of European Union-led indirect talks between Iran and the United States that have exposed large gaps between the two sides without offering much hope for resolution.
Mossad chief David Barnea pledged Thursday night that “Iran will not have nuclear weapons – not in the coming years, not ever. This is my personal commitment: This is the Mossad’s commitment.
“Our eyes are open, we are alert, and together with our colleagues in the defense establishment, we will do whatever it takes to keep that threat away from the State of Israel and to thwart it in every way,” Barnea said.
RALLYING AGAINST the Iran nuclear deal on Capitol Hill in Washington, 2015. (credit: JONATHAN ERNST / REUTERS)
The 2015 deal, known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) restricted the purity to which Iran can enrich uranium to 3.67%, far below the roughly 90% that is weapons-grade, or the 20% Iran reached before the deal. Iran is now enriching to various levels, the highest being around 60%.
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In November, the Institute for Science and International Security reported that Iran has enough enriched uranium hexafluoride enriched to nearly 20%, and 60% enriched uranium to produce enough weapons-grade uranium for a nuclear weapon in as little as three weeks. In just two months more, Iran could produce enough weapon-grade uranium to produce a second weapon.
THE INTERNATIONAL Atomic Energy Agency said on Wednesday that Iran has started producing enriched uranium with advanced centrifuges at its Fordow plant.
Barnea said that when it comes to Iran, “It is clear that there is no need for 60% enriched uranium for civilian purposes. There is no need for three sites with thousands of active centrifuges unless the intention is to develop nuclear weapons.”
Should an agreement be reached in Vienna that is a “bad” one, Barnea said, it would be “unbearable.”
Blinken, who is in Stockholm to attend a meeting of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, was quizzed by reporters as to whether he would adhere to Bennett’s request.
The US had not given up on talks, Blinken said, even though there was not much cause for optimism.
“We’re going to know very, very quickly, I think in the next day or two, whether Iran is serious or not,” Blinken said.
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“Recent moves [by Tehran], recent rhetoric, don’t give us a lot of cause for optimism,” Blinken said. “But even though the hour is getting very late, it is not too late for Iran to reverse course and engage meaningfully in an effort to return to mutual compliance with the JCPOA. We need to test that proposition fully.”
Still, Blinken said, “We will not accept the status quo of Iran building its [nuclear] program on the one hand and dragging its feet in talks on the other. That’s not going to last.”
With respect to Bennett, the secretary of state said that “I had a very good and detailed conversation with Prime Minister Bennett today.”
He promised to stay “in very close contact with Israel, as well as with other concerned countries including in the Gulf, about the status of the talks and our assessment of where this is going or where it’s not going.”
An Israeli official said Bennett’s conversation with Blinken was long and difficult, and was about 90% focused on Iran.
The prime minister expressed opposition to lifting sanctions from Iran, particularly in the framework of an interim agreement that would allow a massive flow of funds to the regime in Tehran.
Israel opposes the JCPOA because it didn’t sufficiently limit Iran’s uranium enrichment and, in fact, legitimizes further enrichment after the agreement expires, which paves the way for an eventual nuclear bomb. In addition, the JCPOA did not address Iran’s other malign actions in the region.
BUT WORSE than the JCPOA, Israeli officials say, would be an interim deal that would barely restrict Iran’s nuclear program. Tehran has repeatedly said it will only negotiate the lifting of all post-JCPOA US sanctions and not the nuclear issue.
As such, Jerusalem has grown increasingly concerned that Washington is considering such an agreement, which some diplomats have called “less for less,” to have the US lift some sanctions in exchange for Iran freezing – not rolling back – its nuclear program, which has advanced far beyond the JCPOA’s restrictions.
The nuclear deal was initially signed between Iran and six world powers: the United States, Russia, China, France, Great Britain and Germany. The Trump administration exited the deal in 2018, but US President Joe Biden has sought to revive it.
Israel’s diplomats have been working around the clock to influence the US, the United Kingdom and France on the talks. Earlier this week, Foreign Minister Yair Lapid met in the UK with Prime Minister Boris Johnson, and in France with President Emmanuel Macron. Next week, Defense Minister Benny Gantz will discuss Iran with US officials. The security cabinet is set to meet on Sunday afternoon to discuss Iran.
In response to Bennett’s call to halt negotiations and Israel’s diplomatic blitz, the Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman said that “the negotiating teams for nuclear talks in Vienna will not receive instructions from Balfour.
“As the nuclear talks in Vienna progress, the Israeli regime is showing its true face again and calling for an immediate cessation of negotiations. This is not surprising,” the spokesman continued.
Anna Ahronheim, Tzvi Joffre and Reuters contributed to this report.
阿巴斯在哈馬斯緊張局勢和巴勒斯坦權力機構金融危機中會見卡塔爾埃米爾
卡塔爾接待了幾位哈馬斯領導人，包括 Ismail Haniyeh 和 Khaled Masha'al，並且多年來一直支持以加沙為基地的伊斯蘭運動。
由哈利·阿布·托梅
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 30 日 17:11
更新時間： 2021 年 11 月 30 日 19:05
巴勒斯坦總統馬哈茂德·阿巴斯於 2021 年 5 月 25 日在約旦河西岸城市拉馬拉與美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯（未圖示）出席聯合新聞發布會。
（照片來源：ALEX BRANDON/POOL VIA REUTERS）
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巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯週二在多哈會見了卡塔爾埃米爾謝赫塔米姆·本·哈馬德·阿勒薩尼，當時巴勒斯坦權力機構與哈馬斯之間的緊張局勢在約旦河西岸哈馬斯成員受到安全鎮壓後日益緊張。
它還發生在巴勒斯坦權力機構嚴重的金融危機之際，巴勒斯坦權力機構一再呼籲阿拉伯國家兌現支持巴勒斯坦人的承諾。
卡塔爾接待了幾位哈馬斯領導人，包括 Ismail Haniyeh 和 Khaled Mashaal，並且多年來一直支持以加沙為基地的伊斯蘭運動。
來自 Jpost 的最新文章
過去14年來，卡塔爾和其他阿拉伯國家試圖解決阿巴斯執政的法塔赫派係與哈馬斯之間的爭端，但沒有成功。
巴勒斯坦權力機構官員經常批評卡塔爾對哈馬斯的財政和政治支持，特別是與以色列協調向加沙地帶提供現金贈款。官員們聲稱，卡塔爾是在給哈馬斯壯膽，從而鞏固了約旦河西岸和加沙地帶之間的分裂。
在多哈濱海路附近的公園裡可以看到卡塔爾國旗（圖片來源：REUTERS/IBRAHEEM AL OMARI）
阿巴斯應邀前往卡塔爾參加
國際足聯阿拉伯杯
開幕日。目前尚不清楚他在訪問卡塔爾期間是否會與任何駐多哈的哈馬斯領導人會面。
據巴勒斯坦權力機構官方通訊社瓦法報導，阿巴斯在周二的會議上向埃米爾簡要介紹了與巴勒斯坦問題有關的最新政治事態發展，以及“以色列對伊斯蘭和基督教聖地的持續侵犯和襲擊”。
瓦法說，兩人還討論了加強和發展各領域雙邊關係的方法，阿巴斯感謝埃米爾卡塔爾對巴勒斯坦人民的持續支持。
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陪同阿巴斯的有巴勒斯坦足協主席吉布里勒·拉朱布、民政總局主席、法塔赫中央委員會成員侯賽因·謝赫，以及情報總局局長馬吉德·法拉吉。
訪問前夕，哈馬斯官員指責巴勒斯坦權力機構對約旦河西岸的哈馬斯成員發動大規模安全鎮壓。週一，巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員逮捕了來自約旦河西岸北部圖爾卡姆的哈馬斯活動家伊斯拉姆布利·布代爾 (Islambooli Bdair)。
官員們指責巴勒斯坦權力機構在逮捕期間當著他的妻子和女兒的面毆打 Bdair。Bdair 於週二獲釋。
Bdair 是過去幾週在西岸被巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊圍捕的幾名哈馬斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織成員之一。鎮壓加劇了巴勒斯坦權力機構與兩個位於加沙的團體之間的緊張關係，這些團體的代表指責巴勒斯坦領導人為以色列的利益服務並反對西岸的“抵抗”團體。
摩薩德首領：伊朗永遠不會擁有核武器
情報局長的評論是在 12 名獲得卓越證書的摩薩德特工的頒獎典禮上發表的。
通過耶路撒冷郵報STAFF
發佈時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 19:46
更新時間： 2021 年 12 月 2 日 21:34
艾薩克·赫爾佐格總統、納夫塔利·貝內特總理和摩薩德首席大衛·巴尼亞向 12 名摩薩德員工頒發了卓越證書。
（圖片來源：CHAIM TZACH/GPO）
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“伊朗永遠不會擁有核武器，未來幾年不會，永遠不會，這是我的承諾，這是摩薩德的承諾，”摩薩德負責人大衛巴尼亞週四在頒獎典禮上說，提到伊朗之間的核協議談判和其他世界大國在維也納。
“很明顯，民用目的不需要 60% 的純化鈾，也不需要三個擁有數千台離心機的場所，除非有發展核武器的意圖，”巴尼亞說。
“協議很糟糕，我希望它不會發展到這個地步，幾乎無法容忍，”巴尼亞批評伊朗協議並試圖恢復它。“伊朗謀求地區霸權，與我們在世界範圍內每天對付的恐怖分子一樣，不斷威脅中東的穩定。因此，我們睜大眼睛，我們準備好了，我們將與我們的同事一起行動在國防機構中做必要的事情來拉開對以色列國的威脅，並以任何方式挫敗它。”
情報局長的評論是在 12 名獲得卓越證書的摩薩德特工的頒獎典禮上發表的。四名特工是現場操作員、四名網絡操作員和四名工作人員。
當天早些時候，總理納夫塔利·貝內特強調，伊朗正在實施“核訛詐”作為談判策略，並呼籲世界大國立即停止談判，並對伊朗採取嚴厲措施。
總理納夫塔利·貝內特強調，伊朗正在實施“核訛詐”作為談判策略。（信用：CHAIM TZACH/GPO）
針對貝內特停止談判的呼籲，伊朗外交部發言人表示，“維也納核談判談判小組將不會收到貝爾福的指示。
週四早些時候，《猶太紀事報》報導稱，摩薩德負責在 4 月份摧毀伊朗納坦茲核設施的離心機大廳，並秘密招募了一支伊朗核科學家團隊。
伊朗媒體和官員指責以色列是這起事件的幕後黑手。
Mossad chief: 'Iran will never have nuclear weapons'
The intelligence chief's comments were made at an award ceremony for 12 Mossad agents that received certificates of excellence.
By JERUSALEM POST STAFF
Published: DECEMBER 2, 2021 19:46
Updated: DECEMBER 2, 2021 21:34
President Isaac Herzog, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, and Mossad chief David Barnea presented certificates of excellence to twelve Mossad employees.
(photo credit: CHAIM TZACH/GPO)
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"Iran will never have a nuclear weapon, not in the coming years, not ever, that's my commitment, that's the commitment of the Mossad," Mossad chief David Barnea said on Thursday at an award ceremony, in reference to nuclear deal talks between Iran and other world powers in Vienna.
"It's clear that there is no need for 60% purified uranium for civilian purposes, there is no need for three sites with thousands of centrifuges active unless there is the intention to develop nuclear weapons," said Barnea.
"The agreement is terrible, I hope it doesn't come to this, it's barely tolerable," Barnea criticized the Iran Deal and attempts to reinstate it. "Iran strives for regional hegemony, operates the same terrorists that we're tackling every day worldwide, and continuously threatens the stability of the Middle East. Therefore our eyes are wide open, we're ready, and we'll act with our colleagues in the defense establishment to do what is needed to distance the threat to the State of Israel, and thwart it in any way."
The intelligence chief's comments were made at an award ceremony for 12 Mossad agents that received certificates of excellence. Four agents were field operators, four cyber operatives and four staff.
Earlier in the day, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett stressed that Iran is conducting "nuclear blackmail" as a negotiation tactic and called on world powers to immediately halt the talks and take strict steps against Iran.
Prime Minister Naftali Bennett stressed that Iran is conducting ''nuclear blackmail'' as a negotiation tactic. (credit: CHAIM TZACH/GPO)
In response to Bennett's call to halt negotiations, the Iranian Foreign Ministry spokesman said that "the negotiating teams for nuclear talks in Vienna will not receive instructions from Balfour.
Earlier on Thursday, the Jewish Chronicle reported that the Mossad was responsible for destroying destroy the centrifuge hall at the Iranian Natanz nuclear facility in April, and did so by secretly recruiting a team of Iranian nuclear scientists.
Iranian media and officials accused Israel of being behind the incident.
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