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محتوای ارائه شده توسط 蘇育平 Yuping SU. تمام محتوای پادکست شامل قسمت‌ها، گرافیک‌ها و توضیحات پادکست مستقیماً توسط 蘇育平 Yuping SU یا شریک پلتفرم پادکست آن‌ها آپلود و ارائه می‌شوند. اگر فکر می‌کنید شخصی بدون اجازه شما از اثر دارای حق نسخه‌برداری شما استفاده می‌کند، می‌توانید روندی که در اینجا شرح داده شده است را دنبال کنید.https://fa.player.fm/legal
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2021.11.28 國際新聞導讀-伊朗避談核武議題只談解除制裁、阿聯大公國修改刑法典允許非婚生子女但要認領辦國籍文件、巴勒斯坦自治政府加大在西岸打擊哈瑪斯與伊斯蘭聖戰組織、沙烏地接受優秀人才入籍、GHAJAR在黎巴嫩與以色列間被一分為二

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محتوای ارائه شده توسط 蘇育平 Yuping SU. تمام محتوای پادکست شامل قسمت‌ها، گرافیک‌ها و توضیحات پادکست مستقیماً توسط 蘇育平 Yuping SU یا شریک پلتفرم پادکست آن‌ها آپلود و ارائه می‌شوند. اگر فکر می‌کنید شخصی بدون اجازه شما از اثر دارای حق نسخه‌برداری شما استفاده می‌کند، می‌توانید روندی که در اینجا شرح داده شده است را دنبال کنید.https://fa.player.fm/legal

2021.11.28 國際新聞導讀-伊朗避談核武議題只談解除制裁、阿聯大公國修改刑法典允許非婚生子女但要認領辦國籍文件、巴勒斯坦自治政府加大在西岸打擊哈瑪斯與伊斯蘭聖戰組織、沙烏地接受優秀人才入籍、GHAJAR在黎巴嫩與以色列間被一分為二
伊朗堅稱維也納會談不在與美國會晤前幾天討論核問題
週一美國和伊朗之間在主要大國參與下的間接會談旨在使兩國完全遵守 2015 年的核協議。
通過LAHAV哈爾科夫,路透
在維也納舉行的談判只會是關於解除制裁,而不是伊朗的核計劃,伊朗官員周五繼續堅持,也就是計劃恢復談判的前三天。
據伊朗媒體報導,伊朗原子能組織負責人穆罕默德·伊斯拉姆表示,維也納會談的重點不是“核問題”,而是美國重返 2015 年的核協議,這與其他官員最近幾週的言論相呼應。
另外,伊朗外交部長侯賽因·阿米拉布多拉希安表示,伊朗正在重新進入談判,尋求可核查地解除美國的經濟制裁。
週一美國和伊朗之間在主要大國參與下的間接會談旨在使兩國完全遵守 2015 年的核協議,隨著制裁的逐步解除,該協議限制了伊朗的鈾濃縮活動。華盛頓於 2018 年放棄了該協議,並重新對伊朗實施嚴厲制裁。
美國和伊朗從 4 月到 6 月為此進行了談判,但伊朗在總統大選前退出了談判。由總統易卜拉欣·賴西(Ebrahim Raisi)領導的德黑蘭新政府比其前任更反西方,更不願意重返協議,並多次表示只對讓美國解除制裁感興趣,而不是重返協議。伊朗在 2015 年協議下的承諾。
2021 年 4 月 10 日在伊朗德黑蘭舉行的伊朗國家核能日期間展出了許多新一代伊朗離心機(圖片來源:伊朗總統辦公室/WANA(西亞新聞社)/通過路透社的講義)
阿米拉布多拉希安在與歐盟外交政策負責人約瑟夫·博雷爾(Joseph Borrell)的電話交談中說:“如果對立雙方准備恢復其全部義務並解除制裁,就可以達成一項良好甚至立即的協議。”
“伊朗希望達成一項良好且可核實的協議,”伊朗媒體援引阿米拉布多拉希安的話說。
預計外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德將於週日啟程前往倫敦和巴黎,他計劃在那裡會見英國首相鮑里斯·約翰遜和法國總統埃馬紐埃爾·馬克龍,在談判前討論伊朗核威脅。
拉皮德的辦公室週六表示,COVID-19的新Omicron 變體的傳播並沒有改變他的計劃。
國際原子能機構總幹事拉斐爾格羅西周三表示,在本周訪問德黑蘭後,他在幾項爭端上沒有取得任何進展,其中最緊迫的是兩個月後進入 TESA Karaj 綜合體的車間。伊朗答應給予。
該車間為離心機和濃縮鈾的機器製造組件,並在 6 月遭到明顯的破壞襲擊,那裡的四台 IAEA 攝像機中的一台被摧毀。伊朗移除了攝像機,被毀的攝像機的鏡頭也不見了。
“我們已經接近無法保證知識連續性的地步,”格羅西說。
然而,阿米拉布多拉希安告訴博雷爾,儘管美國違反了 2015 年的協議,但伊朗將“真誠地”參加維也納會談。
Iran insists Vienna talks not on nuclear issues days before meetings with US
Monday’s indirect talks between the United States and Iran, with the participation of major powers, aim at bringing the two countries into full compliance with the 2015 nuclear deal.
By LAHAV HARKOV, REUTERS
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 19:40
Updated: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 22:06
DELEGATES WAIT for the start of talks on reviving the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, in Vienna, Austria, last month.
(photo credit: EU DELEGATION IN VIENNA/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)
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Negotiations in Vienna will only be about lifting sanctions and not Iran’s nuclear program, Iranian officials continued to insist on Friday, three days before the planned resumption of talks.
The head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, Mohammad Islamic, said the Vienna talks will not be about “nuclear issues,” but rather about America's return to the 2015 nuclear deal, Iranian media reported, echoing remarks by other officials in recent weeks.
Separately, Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian said his country is reentering negotiations seeking the verifiable lifting of US economic sanctions.
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Monday’s indirect talks between the United States and Iran, with the participation of major powers, aim at bringing the two countries into full compliance with the 2015 nuclear deal, which limited Iran’s uranium enrichment along with the gradual lifting of sanctions. Washington abandoned the accord in 2018 and reimposed crippling sanctions on Iran.
The US and Iran negotiated from April to June towards that end, but Iran left talks ahead of its presidential election. The new government in Tehran, led by President Ebrahim Raisi, is even more anti-Western than its predecessor and less disposed towards returning to the agreement, and has repeatedly said it is only interested in having the US lift sanctions, as opposed to returning to Iran’s commitments under the 2015 deal.
A number of new generation Iranian centrifuges are seen on display during Iran's National Nuclear Energy Day in Tehran, Iran April 10, 2021 (credit: IRANIAN PRESIDENCY OFFICE/WANA (WEST ASIA NEWS AGENCY)/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)
“If the opposing sides are prepared to return to their full obligations and the lifting of sanctions, a good and even immediate agreement can be reached,” Amirabdollahian said in a telephone conversation with the European Union’s foreign policy chief, Joseph Borrell.
“Iran wants a good and verifiable agreement,” Iranian media quoted Amirabdollahian as saying.
Foreign Minister Yair Lapid is expected to take off for London and Paris on Sunday, where he plans to meet with UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson and French President Emmanuel Macron to discuss the Iranian nuclear threat ahead of the negotiations.
Lapid’s office said on Saturday that the spread of the new Omicron variant of COVID-19 did not change his plans.
International Atomic Energy Agency Director-General Rafael Grossi said on Wednesday, following a trip to Tehran this week, that he had made no progress on several disputes, the most pressing of which was getting access to the workshop at the TESA Karaj complex two months after Iran promised to grant it.
The workshop makes components for centrifuges, machines that enrich uranium, and was hit by an apparent sabotage attack in June in which one of four IAEA cameras there was destroyed. Iran removed the cameras and the destroyed camera’s footage is missing.
“We are close to the point where I would not be able to guarantee continuity of knowledge,” Grossi said.
However, Amirabdollahian told Borrell that Iran would attend the Vienna talks in “good faith” – despite the US violation of the 2015 agreement.
阿聯酋新刑法“海灣國家歷史上最徹底的改革”
一項看似新的變化是批准了自 2022 年 1 月 2 日起生效的聯邦犯罪和懲罰法,旨在更好地保護婦女、家政人員和公共安全。
通過路透
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 15:49
2020 年 8 月 19 日,一名男子在美國駐耶路撒冷大使官邸外揮舞著一面巨大的阿聯酋國旗。
(照片來源:YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90)
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阿拉伯聯合酋長國周六表示,新的刑法典將於 1 月生效,作為該海灣國家歷史上最全面的法律改革的一部分。
國家通訊社 WAM 報導稱,政府今年正在修改 40 項法律。然而,它沒有說明哪些變化——涉及商業公司、在線安全、貿易、版權、居住權、毒品和社會問題——是新的,哪些是以前報導過的。
一項看似新的變化是批准了自 2022 年 1 月 2 日起生效的聯邦犯罪和懲罰法,旨在更好地保護婦女、家政人員和公共安全。
隨著保守的海灣鄰國沙特阿拉伯向外國投資和人才開放,阿聯酋希望改革其法律體係以保持競爭優勢。
迄今為止的主要變化包括將婚前性關係和飲酒合法化,以及在 2020 年 11 月取消處理所謂“名譽殺人”時的寬大處理規定。
2021 年 6 月 11 日,女性走過阿拉伯聯合酋長國迪拜的哈利法塔(圖片來源:REUTERS/CHRISTOPHER PIKE)
週六的聲明增加了以前對婚前性關係和由此生的孩子的狀況所缺乏的清晰度——指出父母不必結婚。
聲明說:“任何非婚生子女的夫婦都將被要求結婚或單獨或共同承認孩子,並根據其中一方是國民的國家的法律提供身份證件和旅行證件。”
如果父母不承認和照顧孩子,將面臨兩年監禁的刑事案件。
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阿聯酋最近的其他變化包括引入長期簽證,以吸引和留住人才,並鼓勵更多企業開店。
阿布扎比酋長國本月推出了自己的改革——一項新穎的世俗家庭法——旨在使自己對外籍人士更具吸引力。
New UAE criminal code 'most sweeping reform in Gulf state's history'
One change that appears new is the ratification of a Federal Crime and Punishment Law, effective from Jan. 2, 2022, designed to better protect women, domestic staff, and public safety.
By REUTERS
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 15:49
A MAN waves a giant UAE flag outside the US ambassador’s residence in Jerusalem, August 19, 2020.
(photo credit: YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90)
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The United Arab Emirates on Saturday said a new criminal code would come into force in January as part of what it called the most sweeping legal reform in the Gulf state's history.
State news agency WAM reported the government is changing 40 laws this year. It did not make clear, however, which of the changes - which concern commercial companies, online security, trade, copyright, residency, narcotics and social issues - were new and which had been previously reported.
One change that appears new is the ratification of a Federal Crime and Punishment Law, effective from Jan. 2, 2022, designed to better protect women, domestic staff, and public safety.
The UAE wants to reform its legal system to keep a competitive edge as conservative Gulf neighbor Saudi Arabia opens itself up to foreign investment and talent.
Major changes so far included decriminalizing premarital sexual relations and alcohol consumption, and canceling provisions for leniency when dealing with so-called "honor killings" in November 2020.
Women walk past the Burj Khalifa in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, June 11, 2021 (credit: REUTERS/CHRISTOPHER PIKE)
Saturday's statement adds clarity that had been previously lacking to the status of pre-marital sexual relations and children born from them - stating that parents need not be married.
"Any couple conceiving a child out of wedlock will be required to marry or singly or jointly acknowledge the child and provide identification papers and travel documents in accordance with the laws of the country of which either is a national," the statement said.
A criminal case with two years imprisonment would be brought should parents not acknowledge and care for the child.
Other recent changes by the UAE include introducing longer-term visas as a way to attract and retain talent and encourage more businesses to set up shop.
The emirate of Abu Dhabi this month introduced its own reform - a novel secular family law - aimed at making itself more attractive to expatriates.
巴勒斯坦權力機構加大對哈馬斯和伊斯蘭聖戰成員的鎮壓力度
巴勒斯坦權力機構最近加大了對哈馬斯和其他派​​系成員的鎮壓力度,因此受到嚴厲批評。
哈利·阿布·托梅
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 14:34
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 20:53
2021 年 8 月 2 日,巴勒斯坦權力機構的批評者尼扎爾·巴納特 (Nizar Banat) 在約旦河西岸拉馬拉去世 40 天后,巴勒斯坦示威者參加了一場反巴勒斯坦權力機構的抗議活動。
(圖片來源:路透社/穆罕默德·托羅克曼)
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巴勒斯坦權力機構加強了對約旦河西岸哈馬斯成員和其他巴勒斯坦派系成員的安全鎮壓,引起了這些團體、政治活動家和人權組織的尖銳批評。
在單獨的聲明中,哈馬斯、巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織(PIJ)和解放巴勒斯坦人民陣線(PFLP)的成員是正在進行的鎮壓的主要目標,他們呼籲停止巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊採取的措施。
拉馬拉的一名巴勒斯坦權力機構官員表示,安全措施旨在“執行法律和秩序”並“防止暴徒和武裝團伙企圖破壞巴勒斯坦權力機構並擾亂和平。”
這位官員駁斥了有關巴勒斯坦權力機構領導層利用安全鎮壓來打擊政治對手並使批評者噤聲的指控。
上週,巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員阻止哈馬斯、PIJ 和 PFLP 的支持者在公共場合舉起他們的旗幟和橫幅。這些官員還在西岸不同地區逮捕了幾名哈馬斯和 PIJ 成員。
巴勒斯坦示威者上個月在拉馬拉參加了一場反巴勒斯坦權力機構的抗議活動。(信用:穆罕默德·托羅克曼/路透社)
星期五,巴勒斯坦權力機構便衣保安人員在伯利恆攔截了一個葬禮隊伍,並沒收了屬於這三個團體的旗幟和橫幅。
事件發生在 14 歲的 Amjad Abu Sultan 的葬禮上,他上個月試圖從俯瞰 60 號公路的地區向以色列車輛投擲燃燒瓶時被以色列國防軍士兵殺害。他的屍體被移交上週給巴勒斯坦人。
星期四,巴勒斯坦權力機構安全人員突襲了傑寧地區的塔蒙鎮,並在該組織為剛從以色列監獄獲釋的當地居民阿茲米·巴尼·奧德 (Azmi Bani Odeh) 舉行的招待會上沒收了 PIJ 的橫幅。
在他的兄弟薩達姆在與以色列國防軍士兵的衝突中喪生後不久,奧德就被以色列當局逮捕了。26 歲的薩達姆是著名的 PIJ 活動家。
上週早些時候,巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員在拉馬拉為 Mu'tasem Zaloum 舉行的招待會上襲擊了一些巴勒斯坦人,Mu'tasem Zaloum也是一名同樣從以色列監獄獲釋的哈馬斯成員。官員沒收了哈馬斯旗幟,並傳喚了幾名參與者進行審訊。他們還使用催淚瓦斯驅散哈馬斯的支持者。
類似的事件發生在 Tulkarm 附近的 Bala'ah 村,巴勒斯坦安全部隊阻止居民為另一名從以色列監獄獲釋的哈馬斯活動家 Hani Barabrah 舉行招待會。
村里的消息人士說,巴勒斯坦權力機構安全人員還沒收了哈馬斯旗幟,並逮捕了一些參加慶祝活動的居民。
禁止屬於哈馬斯、PIJ 和 PFLP 的旗幟和橫幅的決定是在最近在傑寧為本月早些時候死于冠狀病毒的哈馬斯高級官員瓦斯菲卡巴哈舉行的集體葬禮之後做出的。
哈馬斯和 PIJ 蒙面槍手參加​​葬禮被視為對巴勒斯坦權力機構領導層的巨大尷尬和直接挑戰。
作為回應,巴勒斯坦權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯決定更換傑寧地區巴勒斯坦安全部隊各分支機構的指揮官。
據報導,阿巴斯還向巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊發出了嚴格的指示,禁止哈馬斯、PIJ 和其他與其執政的法塔赫派別無關聯的團體舉辦所有公開活動。
據巴勒斯坦消息人士稱,過去兩周至少有 65 名巴勒斯坦人被巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊拘留。消息人士稱,大多數被拘留者被懷疑與哈馬斯和 PIJ 有關聯。
此外,安全部隊傳喚了 50 多名巴勒斯坦人,特別是在約旦河西岸北部地區。
哈馬斯譴責巴勒斯坦權力機構的鎮壓行動,稱其為“國家和道德罪行”。
哈馬斯發言人哈澤姆·卡西姆 (Hazem Qassem) 在談到巴勒斯坦權力機構對公共活動的禁令時說,巴勒斯坦安全部隊的此類行動“只會為佔領服務”。他指出,巴勒斯坦權力機構的鎮壓恰逢約旦河西岸“猶太復國主義對巴勒斯坦人的侵略”增加。卡西姆在一份聲明中說:“與其針對巴勒斯坦派係並阻止他們開展活動,不如說巴勒斯坦權力機構應該保護巴勒斯坦人。”
來自拉馬拉的哈馬斯高級官員 HUSSEIN ABU KWEIK 譴責巴勒斯坦權力機構將慶祝巴勒斯坦人從以色列監獄獲釋的活動作為目標。“這種行為違反了巴勒斯坦人尊重囚犯並歌頌他們的鬥爭的價值觀,”他說。
阿布奎克補充說,以哈馬斯成員及其旗幟為目標不會“阻止運動繼續其光榮的抵抗和追求民族團結的道路”。
PIJ 在一份聲明中表示,“巴勒斯坦安全部隊在傑寧綁架我們的活動人士是一種不愛國和不道德的行為。” 該組織還聲稱,巴勒斯坦權力機構的鎮壓旨在“為佔領服務”。
PFLP 在伯利恆葬禮期間對這一事件發表評論,指責巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊對哀悼者進行了“野蠻襲擊”。
PFLP在一份聲明中說:“發生的事情證實,安全部隊沒有從他們對公共自由的攻擊中吸取教訓,他們堅持繼續採取鎮壓措施。” “對葬禮的襲擊代表了巴勒斯坦安全部門做法的危險轉變,這需要起訴參與其中的人和下達命令的人。”
巴勒斯坦正義律師組織也猛烈抨擊巴勒斯坦權力機構。
“正義律師協會譴責基於政治派別壓制自由和起訴激進分子和公民的場景,”該組織表示,指的是對數十名被指控抗議殺害反叛分子的政治激進分子和學者正在進行的審判。 - 腐敗活動家尼扎爾·巴納特 (Nizar Banat),希伯倫居民,6 月下旬被巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員毆打致死。
該組織指出,當局最近採取的措施,包括沒收旗幟和橫幅,違反了阿巴斯今年早些時候發布的“總統令”。該法令在計劃中的大選之前發布,呼籲“促進巴勒斯坦國所有領土的公共自由,包括政治和國家行動的自由”。
PA steps up crackdown on Hamas, Islamic Jihad members
The Palestinian Authority drew sharp criticism for its crackdown on Hamas and other faction members, which it stepped up recently.
By KHALED ABU TOAMEH
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 14:34
Updated: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 20:53
Palestinian demonstrators attend an anti-Palestinian Authority protest, forty days after the death of Nizar Banat, a critic of the Palestinian Authority, Ramallah in the West Bank August 2, 2021.
(photo credit: REUTERS/MOHAMAD TOROKMAN)
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The Palestinian Authority has stepped up its security crackdown on members of Hamas and other Palestinian factions in the West Bank, drawing sharp criticism from the groups, political activists and human rights organizations.
In separate statements, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), whose members are the prime targets of the ongoing clampdown, called for an end to the measures taken by the PA security forces.
A PA official in Ramallah said that the security measures were designed to “enforce law and order” and “prevent attempts by thugs and armed gangs to undermine the Palestinian Authority and disturb the peace.”
The official dismissed accusations that the PA leadership was exploiting the security crackdown to target political rivals and silence critics.
In the past week, PA security officers prevented Hamas, PIJ and PFLP supporters from carrying their flags and banners in public. The officers also arrested several Hamas and PIJ members in different parts of the West Bank.
Palestinian demonstrators attend an anti-Palestinian Authority protest in Ramallah last month. (credit: MOHAMAD TOROKMAN/REUTERS)
On Friday, PA plainclothes security officers intercepted a funeral procession in Bethlehem and confiscated flags and banners belonging to the three groups.
The incident took place during the funeral of 14-year-old Amjad Abu Sultan, who was killed by IDF soldiers last month as he was trying to throw a Molotov cocktail at Israeli vehicles from an area that overlooks Route 60. His body was handed over to the Palestinians last week.
On Thursday, PA security officers raided the town of Tammun in the Jenin area and confiscated PIJ banners during a reception held by the group for Azmi Bani Odeh, a local resident who had just been released from Israeli prison.
Odeh was arrested by Israeli authorities shortly after his brother, Saddam, was killed during a clash with IDF soldiers. Saddam, 26, was known as a leading PIJ activist.
EARLIER LAST week, PA security officers attacked a number of Palestinians during a reception in Ramallah for Mu’tasem Zaloum, a Hamas member who was also released from Israeli prison. The officers confiscated Hamas flags and summoned several participants for interrogation. They also used tear gas to disperse the Hamas supporters.
A similar incident took place in the village of Bala’ah, near Tulkarm, where Palestinian security forces prevented residents from holding a reception for Hani Barabrah, another Hamas activist released from Israeli prison.
Sources in the village said that the PA security officers confiscated also Hamas flags, and arrested a number of residents who participated in the celebration.
The decision to ban flags and banners belonging to Hamas, PIJ and PFLP came after the recent mass funeral held in Jenin for Wasfi Kabaha, a senior Hamas official who died of coronavirus earlier this month.
The participation of Hamas and PIJ masked gunmen in the funeral was seen as a huge embarrassment for, and a direct challenge to, the PA’s leadership.
In response, PA President Mahmoud Abbas decided to replace the commanders of the various branches of the Palestinian security forces in the Jenin area.
Abbas is also reported to have issued strict instructions to the PA security forces to ban all public events held by Hamas, PIJ and other groups that are not affiliated with his ruling Fatah faction.
According to Palestinian sources, at least 65 Palestinians have been detained by the PA security forces in the past two weeks. Most of the detainees are suspected of being affiliated with Hamas and PIJ, the sources said.
In addition, more than 50 Palestinians were summoned for interrogation by the security forces, especially in the northern West Bank.
Hamas condemned the PA crackdown, dubbing it a “national and moral crime.”
Referring to the PA ban on public events, Hamas spokesperson Hazem Qassem said that such actions by the Palestinian security forces “only serve the occupation.” He pointed out that the PA crackdown coincided with an increase in “the Zionist aggression against Palestinians” in the West Bank. “Instead of targeting Palestinian factions and preventing them from holding activities, the Palestinian Authority should be defending Palestinians,” Qassem said in a statement.
HUSSEIN ABU KWEIK, a senior Hamas official from Ramallah, condemned the PA for targeting events to celebrate the release of Palestinians from Israeli prison. “This behavior violates Palestinian values that respect the prisoners and glorify their struggle,” he said.
The targeting of Hamas members and its banners will not “discourage the movement from continuing with its honorable path of resistance and pursuit of national unity,” Abu Kwiek added.
PIJ said in a statement that the “abduction of our activists by the Palestinian security forces in Jenin is an unpatriotic and immoral act.” The group also claimed that the PA crackdown was intended “to serve the occupation.”
Commenting on the incident during the funeral in Bethlehem, the PFLP accused the PA security forces of carrying out a “brutal assault” on the mourners.
“What happened confirms that the security forces have not learned lessons from their assaults on public freedoms and that they insist on proceeding with their repressive measures,” the PFLP said in a statement. “The attack on the funeral represents a dangerous shift in the practices of the Palestinian security services, which requires the prosecution of those involved in it and of those who gave the orders.”
The Palestinian Lawyers for Justice group also lashed out at the PA.
“Lawyers for Justice denounces the scenes of suppression of freedoms and the prosecution of activists and citizens on the basis of their political affiliation,” the group said, referring to the ongoing trial of dozens of political activists and academics accused of protesting the killing of anti-corruption activist Nizar Banat, a resident of Hebron, who was beaten to death by PA security officers in late June.
The group pointed out that the authority’s recent measures, including the confiscation of flags and banners, were in violation of a “presidential decree” issued by Abbas earlier this year. The decree, which came ahead of the planned general elections, called for “boosting public freedoms in all the territories of the State of Palestine, including the freedom of political and national action.”
阿拉伯媒體的聲音:來自沙特阿拉伯的好消息
每週精選來自世界各地阿拉伯媒體的意見和分析。
通過針對媒體線
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 25 日 20:18
11 月 15 日在迪拜航展上參觀 Edge 顯示器。
(圖片來源:STRINGER/REUTERS)
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來自沙特阿拉伯的喜訊
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Asharq al-Awsat,倫敦,11 月 19 日
上週,沙特阿拉伯正式實施了入籍計劃,這將為具有特殊能力和才能的外國人獲得公民身份鋪平道路。
這一決定的重要性可以概括為三點。
第一:該決定吸引了人才,這將對沙特社會及其未來產生積極影響。吸引優秀人才是大國成功的原因之一。
例如,我們不要忘記美國如何從居住在該國的優秀工人的歸化中受益。這方面的例子比比皆是——美國 8% 的醫生是印度裔,矽谷五分之一的科技公司是由印度裔人士創立的。每年約有四分之一的公司是由移民在美國創辦的,三分之一的美國諾貝爾獎獲得者來自移民背景並隨後獲得了公民身份。讓我們不要忘記阿拉伯移民及其角色,讓我們記住史蒂夫喬布斯是敘利亞移民的兒子。
第二:該決定增加了王國的文化和社會多樣性。我們現在知道,成功的社會是能夠接納來自不同背景的公民,同時將他們團結在一個國家認同之下的社會。簡而言之,多樣性使社會更加富裕。我們今天生活的世界比以往任何時候都更加緊密,全球社會反映了一個國家適應不斷變化的環境的能力。
2021 年 10 月 14 日,美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯和沙特阿拉伯外交部長費薩爾·本·法爾漢·阿勒沙特在美國華盛頓國務院會晤前向記者發表講話。(圖片來源:REUTERS/JONATHAN ERNST)
第三:該決定緩和了徹底關閉邊界的狂熱呼籲或一直困擾中東的危險種族主義和仇外心理。這種種族主義的呼聲是基於純粹的仇恨,這種仇恨根據人們的出生地進行分類。如果它們不被扼殺在萌芽狀態,它們就會撕裂社會。
該決定傳達了一個明確的道德和人道主義信息,即嚴格根據他或她的優點來判斷一個人;不是外表、宗教、種族或種族。
最後,這一決定的重要性遠遠超出了沙特阿拉伯。它向其他政府和國家傳達了一個明確的道德信息——在一個充滿煽動和仇恨的分裂的阿拉伯地區,這是一個接受、開放和交流的信息。
以能力豐富社會,引入人類多樣性的元素,遏制種族主義,無疑是面向未來的強大、健康和寬容社會的標誌,而充滿報復和仇恨的教條社會最終只會摧毀相信的人。在他們之中。– 馬姆杜·穆海尼
海灣合作委員會國家克服了重大障礙
阿聯酋,Al-Ittihad,11 月 18 日
海灣合作委員會國家似乎正在克服過去兩年限制其增長的兩大障礙。
第一個是 COVID-19。海灣合作委員會國家在為其居民接種疫苗方面取得了快速進展,使他們能夠恢復重要的金融活動,如旅遊和旅行,並促進經濟發展。
例如,阿聯酋航空公司在今年上半年設法將虧損減少了約 54%。同樣,在迪拜舉辦的世博會和迪拜航展為阿聯酋帶來了數千名遊客。這在很大程度上要歸功於創造性的新措施,例如採用統一的海灣疫苗接種證書,類似於歐盟引入的證書。
影響海灣經濟體的另一個障礙與去年石油價格的大幅下跌有關,這導致許多海灣國家出現嚴重的預算赤字和大型項目的推遲。然而,近期數據表明,近期油價上漲將對海灣合作委員會國家的經濟活動產生顯著的積極影響,尤其是支出的增加和赤字的減少。
沙特阿拉伯王國已經宣布今年第二季度的赤字大幅減少,從去年第二季度的 1090 億里亞爾降至 4.6b。今年同一季度的里亞爾。同樣,根據財政部的數據,科威特預算赤字在本財政年度的前四個月減少了 94.5%。預計其他海灣合作委員會國家的預算今年也將出現類似的赤字縮減。
所有這些都為來年的經濟增長提供了真正的希望,範圍在 3% 到 4% 之間。這些事態發展為海灣國家提供了一個寶貴的機會,可以在油價大幅波動時避免進一步的困難。
因此,海灣合作委員會國家可以利用這些金融和衛生髮展來振興其經濟並使它們恢復到大流行前的水平。這將是一項令人難以置信的成就,可以在未來幾年繼續發展。
- 穆罕默德·阿蘇米
最少閱讀,但最重要的新聞
黎巴嫩,Al-Nahar,11 月 17 日
作為專欄作家,我們經常發現自己寫的是我們認為讀者有興趣閱讀的內容,而不一定是我們認為重要的內容。
然而,今天我決定反其道而行之,向我的讀者介紹我認為對他們的生活非常重要的東西:氣候變化、恐怖主義和現代技術。
從表面上看,這三個問題似乎無關。但事實是,這三者是直接相連的。
你看,地球氣候變化的問題不僅與全球氣溫升高甚至與某些城市的消失有關;它還與血腥衝突、革命和移民潮的興起有關。水資源的枯竭以及食品和基本商品價格的上漲與衝突直接相關。
例如,蘇丹目前的衝突是圍繞農田和獲取農業資源的衝突。在鄰國埃塞俄比亞,由於資源稀缺和水權問題,當地民族之間出現了衝突。甚至在敘利亞,氣候變化也促使人們從農村遷移到城市。
即使是 2015 年的歐洲難民危機——這場危機對歐盟的威脅可能比它所面臨的任何其他危機都要大——也可以部分歸因於氣候變化。氣候變化和人們可用資源的枯竭也加劇了從南美到北美的移民,導致原籍國的政治動盪和目的地國的反移民情緒日益高漲。
而且,正如我們所知,移民總是帶有恐怖主義的內在風險,因為恐怖分子利用政治動盪來傳播他們的存在並建立新的組織。
第三個因素是科技的巨大發展,它一方面對人類有利,同時也對人類有害。
今天,信息(正確和不正確)不再局限於一小群人,而是所有人都可以使用,技術和發現藥物的嘗試已經發展到可以釋放人類思維可以產生的最有害的物質大眾。至於傳播思想和顛覆性言論,他們在幾分鐘內漫遊世界,如果不是在幾秒鐘內。
此外,用於發現治療最嚴重疾病的技術與可用於用新型生物武器威脅人類的技術相同。
最後,網絡戰對發達國家和發展中國家都構成了日益嚴重的威脅,非國家行為者只需按一下按鈕即可摧毀銀行、投票站和關鍵基礎設施,例如電力線。
氣候變化、恐怖主義和技術監管等問題不是美國、歐盟或中國能夠解決的問題。相反,整個世界必須走到一起並合作。
在最近的聯合國氣候變化大會(COP26)上,中美能夠克服分歧並進行合作,因為兩國在應對全球變暖方面有著共同利益。
正如兩個超級大國可以在氣候變化領域合作一樣,他們也可以找到共同打擊國際恐怖主義和規範技術的方法。– 穆罕默德·阿爾·魯邁希
由 Asaf Zilberfarb 翻譯。
Voices from the Arab press: Happy news from Saudi Arabia
A weekly selection of opinions and analyses from the Arab media around the world.
By THE MEDIA LINE
Published: NOVEMBER 25, 2021 20:18
VISITING THE Edge display at the Dubai Airshow, November 15.
(photo credit: STRINGER/ REUTERS)
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HAPPY NEWS FROM SAUDI ARABIA
For more stories from The Media Line go to themedialine.org
Asharq al-Awsat, London, November 19
Last week, Saudi Arabia formalized its naturalization program, which will pave the way to citizenship for foreigners with exceptional abilities and talent.
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The importance of this decision can be summarized in three points.
First: The decision attracts talent, which will reflect positively on Saudi society and its future. Attracting brilliant minds was one of the reasons that contributed to the successes of major countries.
Let’s not forget how the United States, for example, benefited from the naturalization of outstanding workers who lived in the country. Examples for this abound – 8% of doctors in America are of Indian origin, and one-fifth of the technology companies in Silicon Valley were founded by individuals of Indian origin. Immigrants in America start up about a quarter of companies each year, and a third of American Nobel Prize winners come from immigrant backgrounds and subsequently acquired citizenship. Let’s not forget the Arab immigrants and their role, and let us remember that Steve Jobs was the son of a Syrian immigrant.
Second: The decision increases cultural and social diversity in the kingdom. We now know that successful societies are ones that can embrace citizens from different backgrounds while uniting them under a single national identity. In short, diversity makes society richer. The world we live in today is more connected than ever before, and a global society reflects a nation’s ability to adjust to changing circumstances.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Saudi Arabia's Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud deliver remarks to reporters before meeting at the State Department in Washington, US, October 14, 2021. (credit: REUTERS/JONATHAN ERNST)
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Third: The decision mitigates the fanatical calls for complete closure of borders or the dangerous racism and xenophobia that have been plaguing the Middle East. Such racist calls are based on pure hatred that classifies people based on where they were born. They can tear societies apart, if they aren’t nipped at the bud.
The decision carries a clear moral and humanitarian message that a person is judged strictly on the basis of his or her merit; not appearance, religion, ethnicity or race.
Finally, the importance of this decision extends well beyond Saudi Arabia. It sends a clear moral message to other governments and nations – a message of acceptance, openness and communication in a divided Arab region charged with calls for incitement and hatred.
Enriching society with competencies, introducing the element of human diversity, and curbing racism are undoubtedly the signs of strong, healthy and tolerant societies that look toward the future, in contrast to dogmatic societies filled with vengeance and hatred, which ultimately destroy only those who believe in them. – Mamdouh al-Muhaini
GCC STATES HAVE OVERCOME BIG OBSTACLES
Al-Ittihad, UAE, November 18
It seems that the Gulf Cooperation Council countries are on their way to overcoming two major obstacles that limited their growth during the past two years.
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The first is COVID-19. GCC states have made rapid progress in vaccinating their residents, allowing them to restore important financial activity, such as tourism and travel, and boost their economies.
For example, Emirates airline managed to decrease its losses in the first half of this year by roughly 54%. Similarly, the World Expo, hosted in Dubai, and the Dubai Airshow, brought thousands of visitors into the UAE. This was achieved to a large degree thanks to creative new measures such as the adoption of a unified Gulf vaccination certificate, similar to the one introduced by the European Union.
Another obstacle that left its effect on the Gulf economies is related to the significant drop in oil prices last year, which led to severe budget deficits and the postponement of large projects in many Gulf states. However, recent data suggest that the recent rises in oil prices will have significant positive repercussions on economic activity in GCC countries, especially the increase in spending and the reduction of deficits.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia already announced a significant decrease in its deficit in the second quarter of this year, coming down from 109 billion riyals in Q2 last year to 4.6b. riyals in the same quarter this year. Similarly, the Kuwaiti budget deficit decreased by 94.5% in the first four months of the current fiscal year, according to the Ministry of Finance. The budgets of the rest of the GCC countries are expected to witness a similar shrinking in the deficit for the current year.
All of this provides real hope for economic growth in the coming year, ranging between 3% and 4%. These developments provide a valuable opportunity for Gulf countries to avoid further difficulties in the event of sharp fluctuations in oil prices.
Thus, GCC states can leverage these financial and health developments to revitalize their economies and bring them back to their pre-pandemic levels. This will be an incredible achievement that can be built upon for the coming years.
– Mohammed Al-Asoumi
THE LEAST READ, BUT MOST IMPORTANT NEWS
Al-Nahar, Lebanon, November 17
As columnists, we often find ourselves writing about what we think our readers are interested in reading, and not necessarily about what we think is important.
However, today I’ve decided to do the opposite and update my readers on what I think is hugely important for their lives: climate change, terrorism and modern technology.
Taken at face value, these three issues seem unrelated. But the truth is that the three are directly connected.
You see, the issue of earth’s changing climate is related not merely to an increase in global temperatures or even to the disappearance of certain cities; it also has to do with the rise in bloody conflicts, revolutions and migration waves. The depletion of water resources and the rise in the price of food and basic commodities is directly correlated with conflict.
For example, the current conflict in Sudan is a conflict over farmlands and access to agricultural resources. In neighboring Ethiopia, the conflict between local ethnic groups emerged due to scarce resources and water rights. And even in Syria, climate change pushed people to migrate from the countryside and into the cities.
Even the 2015 European refugee crisis – the crisis which, perhaps, threatened the European Union more than any other crisis it had ever faced – could be attributed in part to climate change. Migration from South America to North America has also been exacerbated by climate change and the depletion of resources available to people, leading to political turmoil at the country of origin and to growing anti-immigration sentiment at the destination country.
And, as we know, immigration always carries an inherent risk of terrorism, since terrorists abuse political turmoil to spread their presence and establish new cells.
The third factor is the tremendous development in technology, which is on the one hand beneficial to mankind, and at the same time harmful.
Today, information (correct and incorrect) is no longer restricted to a small group of people, but has become available to all people, and technology and the attempt to discover drugs have developed to release the worst that the human mind can produce, harmful to the masses of people. As for spreading ideas and subversive sayings, they roam the world in minutes, if not in seconds.
Furthermore, the technology used to discover cures to the worst diseases is the same technology that can be used to threaten mankind with novel biological weapons.
Finally, cyberwarfare has become a growing threat on both developed and developing nations, with non-state actors taking down banks, voting stations and critical infrastructure, such as power lines, with the simple click of a button.
Problems like climate change, terrorism and the regulation of technology are not issues that can be solved by the United States, the EU or China alone. Rather, the entire world has to come together and collaborate.
At the recent UN Climate Change Conference (COP26), China and the United States were able to overcome their differences and cooperate because both countries have a common interest to fight global warming.
Just as the two superpowers could work together in the field of climate change, they can also find ways to work together to fight international terrorism and regulate technology. – Mohammed Al Rumaihi
三個國家、兩個國籍和一條藍線
無論如何,蓋傑爾的居民是擁有以色列護照和完全權利的以色列公民;除了母語阿拉伯語外,他們的希伯來語講得非常好。
作者:LEOR BARELI
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 17:22
北蓋扎爾,在黎巴嫩境內,左邊是邊界圍欄,右邊是黎巴嫩村莊瓦扎尼,中間有一條黎巴嫩軍用公路。
(照片來源:Leor Bareli)
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在戈蘭高地的北端,有一個叫蓋傑爾的村莊。三件事使 Ghajar 成為一個非常有趣的地方:
它在地理上一半在黎巴嫩,一半在以色列。
它是以色列唯一的阿拉維派村莊。
它的居民都認同敘利亞。
當地居民兼導遊侯賽因說,蓋傑爾入口處的軍事路障是一項國家安全預防措施,因為該村莊的敏感地位和與黎巴嫩的邊界。以色列公民/非蓋傑爾居民不得在沒有事先得到明確的軍事協調和居民的正式邀請的情況下進入。
藍線沿途的蓋傑爾主要道路。根據國際社會的說法,道路右側的領土被視為黎巴嫩的一部分,左側的領土被視為以色列的一部分(圖片來源:BEN RATHAUSER)
無論如何,蓋傑爾的居民是擁有以色列護照和完全權利的以色列公民;除了母語阿拉伯語外,他們的希伯來語講得非常好。
侯賽因說,在奧斯曼帝國統治黎凡特期間,蓋傑爾的合法領土被定義和記錄,其中包括村莊入口處的另外 11,500 德南土地。“雖然領土之間沒有真正的圍欄,但我們總是知道邊界在哪裡,”他說。
敘利亞、黎巴嫩和巴勒斯坦的分界線(雖然看不見,但地圖上有地理事實)最初是由英國和法國列強在第一次世界大戰結束時繪製的。 由於 1967 年的六日戰爭,以色列贏得了控制權在戈蘭高地的敘利亞領土上空;有了它,蓋傑爾。
蓋傑爾居民指責歐洲列強不小心在他們之間劃分了阿拉伯地圖,錯誤地預見了他們的行為將導致的政治問題。侯賽因說,在 1967 年之前,蓋傑爾居民持有敘利亞公民身份。那麼黎巴嫩是如何介入這個小村莊的呢?
雖然完全歸咎於英國和法國會簡單得多,但歷史一如既往,是一堆莫名其妙的賬目和動蕩的事件。
兩千年前,在中東任何現代國家或共和國宣布和建立之前,黎凡特由以色列聯合王國組成,該王國在公元前 9 世紀中葉解體為以色列和猶大這兩個相互競爭的君主制國家;現代黎巴嫩的腓尼基國家和沿海貿易商;現代敘利亞的亞蘭-大馬士革和亞述的非統一王國;以及現在約旦境內的摩押和亞捫君主國。
黎凡特將在一系列敵意收購、叛亂和競爭勢力中螺旋上升,成為在任何現代國家建立前幾個世紀席捲中東的世界各大帝國的棋盤上的參與者。
在美索不達米亞,首先是亞述帝國;然後是巴比倫人的崛起;以居魯士大帝為首的波斯第一帝國;馬其頓帝國的亞歷山大大帝;希臘塞琉古帝國和托勒密王國;拜占庭羅馬帝國。隨著伊斯蘭教的興起,該地區隨後成為爭奪權力的統治穆斯林王朝與試圖重新奪回領土的拜占庭人之間的衝突區。然後是十字軍;蒙古人;埃及馬穆魯克人;1516年的奧斯曼帝國;歐洲授權和殖民化;最後,獨立。
在該地區的塞琉古統治下,Coele-Syria 一詞,即“敘利亞的全部”,被用來描述該國在底格里斯河和地中海之間的地區,指的是敘利亞和腓尼基東部(黎巴嫩),有效地將兩者歸為一類. 此後,在公元 70 年猶太王國和第二聖殿被正式摧毀後,朱迪亞被羅馬人改名為敘利亞巴勒斯坦。
之後征服黎凡特的穆斯林軍隊向 Coele-Syria 和敘利亞 Palaestina 的當前居民(佔人口多數的異教希臘-敘利亞和敘利亞基督教社區)引入了一種新宗教,並將領土劃分為四個區:大馬士革、霍姆斯、巴勒斯坦和約旦。
阿拉維派信仰的人民在 12 世紀在敘利亞地區建立起來。他們的信仰體系直到今天仍被保密,儘管眾所周知他們堅持伊斯蘭先知穆罕默德的堂兄阿里的教義,並且通常被稱為什葉派伊斯蘭教的一個教派,儘管他們從1000多年前的什葉派。在奧斯曼帝國統治下,他們雖然在阿勒頗和拉塔基亞占主導地位,但仍是受到虐待和迫害的少數群體。
400 多年來,奧斯曼土耳其人控制著中東以及世界的大部分地區。奧斯曼帝國最後時期的大敘利亞包括現代敘利亞、黎巴嫩、以色列、約旦、巴勒斯坦、塞浦路斯、阿拉伯北部以及土耳其和伊拉克的部分地區。直到今天,一些阿拉伯消息來源認為這些是伊斯蘭敘利亞 Bilad al-Shaam 的一部分,指的是黎凡特的土地,被稱為大敘利亞,讓人想起希臘的 Coele-Syria。
最終,關鍵地區開始宣布獨立——1830 年的希臘,1878 年的羅馬尼亞、塞爾維亞和保加利亞——直到第一次世界大戰結束帝國解體。其領土被分割,法國在敘利亞和黎巴嫩獲得強制權力,而英國則佔領控制外約旦、美索不達米亞和巴勒斯坦的領土。
法國將其任務劃分為大黎巴嫩的兩個不同政治實體,然後將敘利亞分解為幾個州和省。許多敘利亞人實際上反對這一點,因為他們將黎巴嫩視為幾個世紀以來大敘利亞的重要組成部分。
這兩個新國家之間的關係經常很緊張,除了在地圖上繪製卡通般的草圖外,從未正式規定過精確的邊界。Ghajar 就在敘利亞和黎巴嫩之間那條不精確、難以辨認的邊界上的某個地方。
侯賽因說,幾個世紀以來,蓋傑爾的居民主要是阿拉維派。在法國統治期間,阿拉維少數民族成為敘利亞武裝部隊的重要組成部分,最終導致今天敘利亞的政治主導地位。
二戰後,以及在法國向軸心國投降後英國進一步介入黎凡特地區之後,黎凡特北部領土獲得了獨立:黎巴嫩於 1943 年和敘利亞於 1946 年獲得獨立,僅在建國前幾年1948年以色列。
Hussein 說,1956 年,Ghajar 開始在村莊的北部擴張和建設。在強制地圖上,這與黎巴嫩領土重疊;在敘利亞的控制下,沒有問題。
快進到 1967 年,由於六日戰爭,以色列從敘利亞手中奪得了對戈蘭高地的控制權。在兩個半月的時間裡,蓋傑爾一直是無人區,直到阿拉維派村民請願成為以色列的一部分,而不是黎巴嫩,因為他們自己是敘利亞人。侯賽因解釋說,共有 678 人決定留下來,蓋傑爾在以色列的統治下被接受。
第一次黎巴嫩戰爭後,當以色列開始撤退並歸還被佔領的黎巴嫩南部土地時,北蓋傑爾突然被黎巴嫩佔領。侯賽因將這種差異歸咎於需要繼續保持以色列和黎巴嫩之間的衝突,主要是真主黨。
將一個村莊一分為二的不人道性質導致聯合國技術性地將 Ghajar 北部與黎巴嫩聯繫起來,而整個村莊仍將處於以色列的控制之下。
起初,幾乎任何人,包括教師和醫生,都很難獲得進入村莊的許可。真主黨脫離該地區後,入口變得更加寬鬆。
侯賽因說,蓋傑爾居民為自己是以色列公民而自豪,儘管他們強烈認同自己的敘利亞血統。國家尊重他們、他們的信仰和他們的自由。他們選擇不在以色列軍隊服役。今天,侯賽因自豪地說,蓋傑爾有超過三四百名學者。
那麼今天什麼屬於敘利亞、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦或以色列?這些是現代術語和地區的用法,經過數千年的歷史發展,在這些地區,國家不是國家,帝國為了自己的利益而統治了太多的土地,領土之間的界限被模糊、改變、重新排列和重新命名強大力量的異想天開,在歷史上留下了當前知識的空白和權力真空。
一個例子是 ISIS,或阿拉伯語中的 Daish,是“伊拉克和沙姆伊斯蘭國”的首字母縮寫詞。雖然“Shaam”指的是敘利亞,但它指的是伊斯蘭敘利亞的 Bilad al-Shaam,這是七世紀被穆斯林征服的黎凡特歷史悠久的大省。
正如德國在歷史上一直是一個鬆散的流動政體,1871 年,講日耳曼語的民族合併為一個德意志帝國,黎凡特的講阿拉伯語的民族也是如此。在試圖理解今天分隔蓋傑爾的藍線的複雜性時,忽視兩千年的歷史是幼稚和愚蠢的。
作者是一位關於中東歷史和宗教的獨立博主。她在紐約出生和長大,然後於 2011 年成為阿利亞作為一名孤獨的士兵。
https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/three-countries-two-citizenships-and-a-blue-line-687150
Three countries, two citizenships and a Blue Line
Against all odds, residents of Ghajar are Israeli citizens with Israeli passports and full rights; they speak Hebrew excellently, in addition to their mother tongue Arabic.
By LEOR BARELI
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 17:22
NORTH GHAJAR, in Lebanese territory, on the left, surrounded by a border fence, and the Lebanese village Wazzani to the right, with a Lebanese military road between them.
(photo credit: Leor Bareli)
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At the northern cusp of the Golan Heights, there is a village called Ghajar. Three things make Ghajar a significantly interesting place:
It is geographically half in Lebanon, half in Israel.
It is the only Alawite village in Israel.
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Its residents all identify with Syria.
The military roadblock at Ghajar’s entrance, said local resident and tour guide Hussein, is a national security precaution due to the village’s sensitive status and border with Lebanon. No Israeli citizen/non-Ghajar resident may enter without receiving explicit military coordination and an official invitation from a resident in advance.
The main road in Ghajar that the Blue Line runs along. According to the international community, the territory to the right of the road is considered as part of Lebanon, and to the left as part of Israel (credit: BEN RATHAUSER)
Against all odds, residents of Ghajar are Israeli citizens with Israeli passports and full rights; they speak Hebrew excellently, in addition to their mother tongue Arabic.
The legitimate territory of Ghajar was defined and recorded during Ottoman rule in the Levant which, said Hussein, includes another 11,500 dunam of land at the village entrance. “Although there was no actual fence dividing between territories, we always knew where the borders were,” he said.
The lines dividing Syria, Lebanon and Palestine (albeit invisible lines, but geographical facts on the map) were initially drawn by the British and French powers at the end of World War I. As a result of the 1967 Six Day War, Israel won control over the Syrian territory of the Golan Heights; with it, Ghajar.
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The Ghajar residents blame the European powers for carelessly dividing the Arab map between them, improperly foreseeing political problems that would come as a result of their actions. Hussein says that prior to 1967, Ghajar residents held Syrian citizenship. So how did Lebanon get involved in this small village?
While it would be much simpler to wholly blame Britain and France, history, as always, is an inexplicable mess of accounts and tumultuous events.
Two millennia ago, before the declaration and establishment of any of the modern countries or republics in the Middle East, the Levant consisted of the United Israelite Kingdom that disintegrated into the competing monarchies of Israel and Judah in mid 9th-century BCE; Phoenician states and coastal traders in modern Lebanon; non-unified kingdoms of Aram-Damascus and Assyria in modern Syria; and the Moab and Ammon monarchies in what is now Jordan.
The Levant would spiral in a series of hostile takeovers, rebellions and competing powers, becoming players on a chessboard of the great empires of the world that came steamrolling through the Middle East, centuries before any of the modern countries were established.
In Mesopotamia, first came the Assyrian Empire; then the rise of the Babylonians; the First Persian Empire headed by Cyrus the Great; Alexander the Great of the Macedonian Empire; the Greek Seleucid Empire and Ptolemaic Kingdom; the Byzantine Roman Empire. With the rise of Islam, the region then became a conflict zone between reigning Muslim dynasties vying for power and Byzantines attempting to recapture their territory; then the Crusaders; the Mongols; the Egyptian Mamluks; the Ottoman Empire in 1516; European mandates and colonization; and finally, independence.
Under Seleucid rule of the region, the term Coele-Syria, “all of Syria,” was used to describe the area of the country between the Tigris and the Mediterranean, referring to Syria and east Phoenicia (Lebanon), effectively grouping the two together. Thereafter, Judea was renamed Syria Palaestina by the Romans after the official destruction of the Jewish Kingdom and Second Temple in the year 70 CE.
The Muslim forces that conquered the Levant in the aftermath introduced a new religion to the current inhabitants of Coele-Syria and Syria Palaestina, a demographic majority of pagan Greco-Syriac and Syriac Christian communities, and divide the territory into four districts: Damascus, Homs, Palestine and Jordan.
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The people of the Alawite faith became well established in the Syriac region in the 12th century. Their belief system is kept as a protected secret until today, although it is known that they adhere to the teachings of Ali, the cousin of the Islamic prophet Mohamed, and are often referred to as a sect of Shia Islam, although they branched off from Shi’ites more than 1,000 years ago. Under the Ottoman Empire, they were a mistreated and persecuted minority, although predominant in Aleppo and Latakia.
For over 400 years, the Ottoman Turks controlled the Middle East, along with a great portion of the world. Greater Syria in the final period of Ottoman rule includes modern Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Palestine, Cyprus, northern Arabia and parts of Turkey and Iraq. Until today, some Arab sources consider these as part of Bilad al-Shaam, Islamic Syria, referring to the lands of the Levant, known as Greater Syria and reminiscent of the Greek Coele-Syria.
Eventually, key regions began to declare independence – Greece in 1830, Romania, Serbia and Bulgaria in 1878 – until the empire disintegrates at the end of World War I. Its territories are partitioned, and France wins mandatory powers in Syria and Lebanon while Britain takes control of the territories in Transjordan, Mesopotamia and Palestine.
France splits its mandate into two different political entities of Greater Lebanon and then broke Syria down into several states and provinces. Many Syrians actually opposed this as they saw Lebanon as an important part of Greater Syria for centuries.
Relations between the two new states were often tense, and a precise border was never officially mandated besides for cartoon-like sketches on maps. Ghajar was somewhere along that imprecise, indecipherable border between Syria and Lebanon.
Hussein says that for centuries, Ghajar had been inhabited predominantly by Alawites. During French rule, the Alawi minority became a significant part of the Syrian Armed Forces, which would eventually lead to political dominance in Syria today.
After World War II, and after the further involvement of Britain in the Levant region after the French surrender to Axis Powers, the northern Levantine territories gained their independence: Lebanon in 1943 and Syria in 1946, only a few years before the founding of the State of Israel in 1948.
In 1956, said Hussein, Ghajar began expanding and building into the northern part of the village. On the Mandatory map, this overlaps into Lebanese territory; under Syrian control, there was no issue.
Fast forward to 1967, where Israel wins control over the Golan Heights from Syria as a result of the Six Day War. Ghajar remains no man’s land for two and a half months until the Alawite villagers petition to be a part of Israel, and not Lebanon, as they themselves are Syrian. Hussein explained that a total of 678 individuals made the decision to stay and Ghajar is accepted under Israeli rule.
After the First Lebanon War, when Israel began to withdraw and return south Lebanon land that was captured, north Ghajar was suddenly claimed by Lebanon. Hussein blamed this disparity on the need to keep up the conflict between Israel and Lebanon, primarily Hezbollah.
The inhumane nature of dividing a village into two led to a UN technicality associating northern Ghajar to Lebanon while the entirety of the village would remain under Israeli control.
At first, it was difficult for nearly anyone, including teachers and doctors, to obtain permission to enter the village. After Hezbollah seceded from the area, entrance became more lenient.
Hussein says the Ghajar residents are proud to be Israeli citizens although they identify strongly with their Syrian roots. The country respects them, their beliefs and their freedom. They choose not to serve in the Israeli army. Today, Hussein says proudly, there are more than three to four hundred academics in Ghajar.
So what belongs to Syria, or Lebanon, or Palestine, or Israel today? These are modern terminologies and usages of regions that are still being developed after millennia-long histories where states were not states and empires ruled over way too much land for their own good, and the lines between territories were blurred, changed, rearranged and renamed at the whims of the stronger forces, leaving gaps in current knowledge and power vacuums throughout history.
An example is ISIS, or Daish in Arabic, an acronym for “the Islamic state of Iraq and the Shaam.” While “Shaam” refers to Syria, this is in reference to Bilad al-Shaam, Islamic Syria, the historical massive province of the Levant conquered by Muslims in the seventh century.
Just as Germany has historically been a loose fluid polity of Germanic-speaking peoples that were brought together into one German Empire in 1871, so were the Arab-speaking peoples of the Levant. It would be naive and foolish to disregard two millennia of history when trying to understand the intricacies of the Blue Line dividing Ghajar today.
The writer is an independent blogger on Middle Eastern history and religion. She was born and raised in New York before making aliyah as a lone soldier in 2011.
冷郵報以色列新聞以色列政治
Omicron 給 Bennett 帶來了嚴重的政治問題——分析
現在,令人擔憂的 Omicron 新變種似乎正在傳播,它可能會繞過 COVID 疫苗提供的一些保護,貝內特再次面臨艱難的選擇。
作者:傑瑞米·沙龍
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 21:07
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 21:59
總理納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 在以色列議會全體會議上坐在政府桌前的座位上回頭看。
(照片來源:OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90)
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早在 7 月,隨著COVID-19的Delta 變體開始在以色列迅速傳播,新成立的反對派仍然因其被逐出權力而受到傷害,無情地嘲笑新政府對新變體的處理及其所謂的無能。
反對黨領袖本傑明·內塔尼亞胡(Benjamin Netanyahu)諷刺地想知道,納夫塔利·貝內特(Naftali Bennett)是如何在他剛剛成為新總理後不久在該國發生騷亂後“在如此短的時間內成功摧毀如此多的東西”的。
而聯合托拉猶太教領袖 MK Moshe Gafni 毫不自負地斷言,新的冠狀病毒變種的傳播是由於貝內特和他的新政府因其宗教和國家政策而缺乏“神恩”。 .
貝內特政府最終控制了三角洲浪潮,但在高峰時期,它給新總理帶來了真正的政治問題,因為與被視為內塔尼亞胡成功控制大流行的做法相比,貝內特嚴重受損並損害了他的合法性。
現在,令人擔憂的 Omicron 新變種——可能會繞過 COVID 疫苗提供的一些保護——似乎正在傳播,貝內特再次面臨艱難的選擇和嚴重的政治頭痛。
納夫塔利·貝內特總理在內閣會議上,2021 年 11 月 21 日。(圖片來源:MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)
當然,早在 7 月份,當內塔尼亞胡和加夫尼因他處理三角洲浪潮而責備他時,他們就完全意識到三角洲變種已經在幾個月前進入以色列,回到 4 月份,當時內塔尼亞胡仍然是總理,而加夫尼是他的政府的主要成員。
但他們使用了這種策略,因為政府未能充分管理大流行及其不斷變化、不斷變化的形式可能是一種強大而強大的政治武器,可以用作俱樂部來猛擊執政政府。
事實上,貝內特本人在內塔尼亞胡 - 甘茨政府期間坐在反對派中時經常使用這種武器,在民意調查中飆升,因為他對該聯盟的持續批評,出版了他撰寫的關於如何管理大流行和他的組建的書一個“平民”冠狀病毒內閣。
經過最初的掙扎,貝內特和他的政府最終站穩了腳跟。批准了針對弱勢以色列人以及其他大部分人口的加強注射;並且能夠在不實施封鎖和損害經濟的情況下成功走出第四波,同時還避免了重大的健康危機。
但現在總理和他的政府面臨著類似的困境。
他們是否應該關閉艙門,關閉機場,將該國置於封鎖狀態,並採取其他類似的方法來嘗試將 Omicron 置於以色列之外,以避免感染人數激增,並找到應對之策有了這個新變種?
嘗試這種策略可能會贏得時間並有助於抑制 Omicron 的傳播,這將避免該國的醫院不堪重負,並確保衛生服務能夠控制疫情,從而避免大規模死亡。
然而,與此同時,如果政府不得不為大量休假的工人買單,這將打擊經濟、破壞企業並再次大幅增加預算赤字。
貝內特可能會因為保持國家健康而贏得認可和政治點數,但會因破壞人們的生計並使大部分人口陷入貧困而受到譴責。
另一方面,如果政府採取另一種方式,儘管存在公共衛生風險,但仍保持國家基本開放,經濟將受到的影響較小,但隨後將面臨疾病死亡率急劇上升的風險,可以作為一個政治俱樂部來削弱他脆弱的聯盟。
早在 10 月,內塔尼亞胡就指責貝內特對自貝內特上任以來死亡的 1,392 名 COVID 受害者的死亡負有直接責任。
如果 Omicron 的變體導致以色列人死亡和垂死的圖像使全國各地的醫院病房和太平間超載,這位前總理不太可能饒恕貝內特的憤怒。
當然,也可以在開放和關閉的兩個極端之間採取溫和的策略,但這也使政府容易受到政治批評,認為政府優柔寡斷和軟弱,同時使國家暴露在兩個極端的禍害之下。健康危機和經濟損失。
如果新的 COVID 變種像科學家和健康專家警告的那樣令人擔憂,那麼貝內特和他的政府不僅會面臨危險的健康危機,還會面臨嚴重的政治風暴——這可能會再次削弱他的公眾地位和政治地位。穩定。
Omicron poses severe political problem for Bennett - analysis
Now that the worrying new Omicron variant, which may potentially bypass some of the protections provided by COVID vaccines, appears to be spreading, Bennett again faces difficult options.
By JEREMY SHARON
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 21:07
Updated: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 21:59
PRIME MINISTER Naftali Bennett looking over his shoulder from his seat at the head of the government table in the Knesset plenum.
(photo credit: OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90)
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As the Delta variant of COVID-19 began to spread rapidly in Israel back in July, the freshly minted opposition, still hurting from its ejection from power, mercilessly taunted the new government over its handling of the new variant and its supposed ineptitude.
Opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu wondered mockingly how Naftali Bennett had “succeeded in destroying so much in such a short time” after Delta ran riot in the country shortly after he had just become the new prime minister.
And United Torah Judaism leader MK Moshe Gafni asserted, with no little conceit, that the spread of the new coronavirus variant was due to the fact that Bennett and his new government suffered from a lack of “divine favor” due to its religion and state policies.
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Bennett’s government eventually got a handle on the Delta wave, but at its height it posed real political problems for the new prime minister as comparisons with what was seen as Netanyahu’s successful management of the pandemic damaged Bennett badly and harmed his legitimacy.
Now that the worrying new Omicron variant – which may potentially bypass some of the protection provided by COVID vaccines – appears to be spreading, Bennett again faces difficult options and a severe political headache.
Prime Minister Naftali Bennett at the cabinet meeting, November 21, 2021. (credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)
Of course, back in July when Netanyahu and Gafni were excoriating him for his handling of the Delta wave, they were fully aware themselves that the Delta variant had entered Israel months earlier, back in April, when Netanyahu was still prime minister and Gafni was a key member of his government.
But they utilized this tactic, because the failure of a government to adequately manage the pandemic and its ever-changing, ever-mutating forms can be a potent and formidable political weapon that can be used as a club to bludgeon away at the ruling government.
INDEED, Bennett himself made frequent use of this weapon while sitting in the opposition during the Netanyahu–Gantz government, soaring in the polls for his ongoing criticism of that coalition, the publication of a book he authored on how to manage the pandemic and his formation of a “civilian” coronavirus cabinet.
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After initially floundering, Bennett and his government eventually found their feet; approved a booster shot for vulnerable Israelis and then for most of the rest of the population; and were able to successfully navigate out of the fourth wave without imposing lockdowns and harming the economy, while also avoiding a major health crisis.
But now similar dilemmas face the prime minister and his government.
Should they batten down the hatches, close the airport, put the country into a lockdown and adopt other similar methods to try keeping Omicron out of Israel for as long as it takes to avoid a massive spike in infections – and to find a way to cope with this new variant?
Attempting such a strategy would likely buy time and help suppress the spread of Omicron, which would avoid overwhelming the country’s hospitals as well as ensuring that the health services could manage the outbreak, thereby avoiding mass fatalities.
At the same time, however, it would hammer the economy, devastate businesses and dramatically increase the budget deficit once again if the government had to pay for large numbers of furloughed workers.
Bennett might win approval and political points for keeping the country healthy, but would get denounced for wrecking people’s livelihoods and plunging large parts of the population into poverty.
If, on the other hand, the government takes the alternative route, keeping the country largely open despite the public health risks, the economy would suffer less but it would then run the risk of a dramatic increase in the mortality rate from the disease, which could be used no less as a political club to weaken his fragile coalition.
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Back in October, Netanyahu accused Bennett of direct responsibility for the deaths of the 1,392 COVID victims who died since the latter took office.
The former prime minister is unlikely to spare Bennett his wrath if the Omicron variant results in images of dead and dying Israelis overloading hospital wards and mortuaries around the country.
Of course a moderate strategy between the two extremes of opening and closing may also be taken, but that too, opens up the government to political criticism that it is indecisive and weak, while at the same time exposing the country to the scourge of both a health crisis and economic damage.
If the new COVID variant turns out to be as concerning as scientists and health experts are warning, then Bennett and his government can expect to face not only a dangerous health crisis but a severe political storm – that could once again undermine his public standing and political stability.
認識大峽谷和亞利桑那州農村的猶太人
農村地區的猶太人生活與城市地區的生活截然不同。
作者:SHIRA HANAU/JTA
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 26 日 02:35
亞利桑那州大峽谷
(圖片來源:INGIMAGE / ASAP)
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Stan Coffield 和他的妻子在決定在哪裡退休時非常開放。
“我想要一個[比紐約]生活成本更低的地方——溫暖、乾燥、靠近我可以滑水的水域,並且有某種猶太人的存在,”科菲爾德說。
2010 年,他們搬進了位於鳳凰城西北約 200 英里的哈瓦蘇湖市的房子。儘管猶太教堂很小,但從那以後他就沒有回頭。
“當我和我的妻子第一次搬出這裡時,你會轉過一個街角,真的很想把車停在路邊盯著看;它看起來像一張圖片明信片,”他說。“你走三個街區,這是另一張圖片明信片。”
根據美國人口普查局的數據,他和他的妻子是哈瓦蘇湖近 60,000 名居民中的兩個,也是該地區唯一的猶太教堂Temple Beth Sholom的大約 30 名成員中的一部分。
亞利桑那州公路歡迎標誌(來源:WIKIMEDIA COMMONS/WING-CHI POON)
“鑑於我們是整個莫哈維縣內唯一的會眾和猶太教堂,我們擁有完整的 [成員],”他說。“我們在哈瓦蘇有一些人,上帝保佑他們,他們設法成為東正教並保持猶太潔食,一直到改革的邊緣。”
農村地區的猶太人生活與城市地區的生活截然不同——而且往往需要極大的奉獻精神。在某些地方,這意味著會眾必須學習如何領導服務,因為他們只能定期帶拉比進來。對於一些人來說,這意味著從偏遠地區開車幾個小時去另一個小鎮的小猶太教堂。幾乎在每個社區,農村猶太人的生活都是這樣的,你的猶太教堂就像一個家庭,無論好壞,就像任何家庭一樣,你只能得到一個。
科菲爾德擔任會眾會長已有大約六年時間,他竭盡全力提供定期服務和托拉研究,並發展會眾。一名拉比大約每月一次從洛杉磯前往哈瓦蘇湖,在周五舉行安息日服務,週六進行托拉研究。會眾試圖將他的旅行與猶太節日相協調。
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猶太教堂努力提前三個月發佈時間表,以確保成員(其中一些人開車近兩個小時到達那裡)有充足的時間進行計劃。
“我們有來自勞克林、布爾黑德市、布萊斯、加利福尼亞、針的會眾——我的意思是,我們就是這樣,”科菲爾德說。
作為數英里內唯一的猶太機構,科菲爾德可能成為人們呼籲參加臨終事宜的人。科菲爾德說,哈瓦蘇湖“幾乎完全是退休人員和服務人員”。根據美國人口普查局的數據,該市的平均年齡為 54.2 歲。
作為會眾的會長,他從那些他從未在猶太教堂見過但突然需要精神支持的人那裡接到“悲傷的電話”。科菲爾德盡力滿足這些要求,“但從這麼多不同的角度來看,這很難。”
位於鳳凰城西南約 200 英里的尤馬也有一個小而敬業的猶太社區。該市唯一的猶太教堂擁有近 10 萬人口,約有 20 個家庭單位。
“這些人的範圍從單身人士到夫妻,再到有孩子的人,”貝絲·哈米德巴會會長萊昂尼根說。猶太教堂,其名字的意思是“沙漠之家”,在一個從教堂租來的空間里相遇。
她說:“我不確定那些將猶太宗教視為他們生活中最重要部分的人會搬到一個猶太機構很少的地方。” “我們不知道有多少,但這裡有不屬於會眾的猶太人,他們根本就沒有宗教信仰。”
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在過去的七年裡,一位拉比從加利福尼亞的奧蘭治縣開車到尤馬,領導高假期服務。“其餘時間,他給我們上了一堂由非專業人士主導的服務的課程,所以我們輪流領導安息日服務,並彙集我們的知識,”尼根說。
一年中的大部分時間,會員每月舉行兩次聚會——在夏季,人數減半。一些會眾還在每週一次的妥拉學習小組中聚會。
Neegan 在鳳凰城出生和長大,但在 1975 年從亞利桑那大學畢業後搬到尤馬,當時一位朋友告訴她當地圖書館的一份工作已經開放。當時,她沒想到自己會在尤馬久留。“我無法想像有人住在這裡。對我來說,這只是一個非常小的、塵土飛揚的小鎮,”她說。
幾個月來,她以為自己是鎮上唯一的猶太人。但有一天,她在當地報紙上看到了一篇關於高假期服務的文章。“我去參加了禮拜,發現這裡有一個小的猶太社區,人們非常熱情,”她說。
當時,該會眾不隸屬於任何猶太教分支,因為參加的人具有各種猶太背景和戒律。最終它隸屬於改革猶太教聯盟。
尼根從沒想過會像她一樣參與到她的會眾中。
“如果我留在鳳凰城或圖森,或者其他一些人口較多的大城市,我可能不會像最終那樣參與宗教或會眾,”她說。
她說,尼根的會眾成員已經成為“一個龐大的大家庭”。“這就像和人在一個島上。如果你生氣了,就沒有另一個猶太教堂可以去。你必須以某種方式解決它。”
弗拉格斯塔夫 Lev Shalom 公會名譽拉比尼娜·珀爾穆特 (Nina Perlmutter) 說,她經常發現,猶太人離已建立的猶太社區越遠,他們就越致力於建設猶太社區。
她說,許多住在大峽谷(Perlmutter 經常主持生命週期活動的地方)或亞利桑那州其他農村地區的猶太人因風景之美而搬家。對於他們中的大多數人來說,猶太人的生活不一定是優先事項,也不容易得到該地區猶太人基礎設施的支持。
“但後來他們經常發現他們懷念與猶太人的關係,”她說。“我認識一些經常通勤到弗拉格斯塔夫的人,比如大峽谷的人。這並不容易。你必須真的很想做。”
本文的一個版本最初出現在大鳳凰城的猶太新聞中,經許可再版。
Meet the Jews of the Grand Canyon and rural Arizona
Jewish life takes a different shape in rural areas than it does in the city.
By SHIRA HANAU/JTA
Published: NOVEMBER 26, 2021 02:35
Grand Canyon, Arizona
(photo credit: INGIMAGE / ASAP)
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Stan Coffield and his wife were pretty open-minded when deciding where they would retire.
“I wanted someplace that was lower cost of living [than New York] — warm, dry, near a body of water that I could water-ski on, and had some manner of Jewish presence,” Coffield said.
In 2010, they moved into their house in Lake Havasu City, about 200 miles northwest of Phoenix. Even though the synagogue is small, he hasn’t looked back since.
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“When my wife and I first moved out here, you would turn a street corner and really be tempted to just pull over to the side of the road and stare; it looks like a picture postcard,” he said. “And you go three blocks, and it’s another picture postcard.”
He and his wife are two of Lake Havasu’s nearly 60,000 residents, according to the US Census Bureau, and part of the roughly 30 members of the area’s only
synagogue
, Temple Beth Sholom.
Arizona State Highway welcome sign (credit: WIKIMEDIA COMMONS/WING-CHI POON)
“Given that we’re the only congregation and synagogue within all of Mohave County, we have the full gamut [of members],” he said. “We’ve got people in Havasu, God bless them, who manage to be Orthodox and keep kosher, all the way out to the fringes of Reform.”
Jewish life takes a different shape in rural areas than it does in the city — and often requires great dedication. In some places, that means the congregants have to learn how to lead services since they can only afford to bring a rabbi in periodically. For some, that means driving hours from a remote area to attend a tiny synagogue in another small town. And in nearly every community, a rural Jewish life is one in which your synagogue is like a family for better or for worse, and like any family, you only get one.
Coffield has been president of the congregation for about six years and does his best to provide regular services and Torah study and to grow the congregation. A rabbi travels to Lake Havasu from Los Angeles about once a month to run a Shabbat service on Friday and a Torah study on Saturday. The congregation tries to coordinate his travel with Jewish holidays.
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The synagogue strives to have a schedule posted three months in advance to ensure members, some of whom drive nearly two hours to get there, have ample time to plan.
“We get congregants from Laughlin, Bullhead City, Blythe, California, Needles — I mean, we’re it,” Coffield said.
Being the only Jewish institution for miles can mean Coffield becomes the person people call on to attend end of life matters. Lake Havasu is “almost exclusively retirees and service personnel,” Coffield said. According to the US Census Bureau, the median age in the city is 54.2.
As president of the congregation, he gets “sorrowful phone calls” from people he’s never seen at the synagogue but who are suddenly in need spiritual support. Coffield does his best to accommodate those requests, “but it’s just hard from so many different perspectives.”
Yuma, about 200 miles Southwest of Phoenix, also has a small but dedicated Jewish community. With a population of nearly 100,000 people, the city’s only synagogue has about 20 family units.
“Those range from people that are single, to couples, to people who have kids,” said Leone Neegan, president of Congregation Beth Hamidbar. The synagogue, whose name means “house of the desert,” meets in a space rented from a church.
“I am not sure that anyone for whom their Jewish religion is the most important part of their life would move to a place with so few Jewish institutions,” she said. “We don’t know how many, but there are Jews here who don’t belong to the congregation, who just aren’t religious at all.”
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For the past seven years, a rabbi has driven from Orange County in California to Yuma to lead High Holiday services. “The rest of the time, he gave us a class in doing lay-led services, so we take turns leading Shabbat services, and we pool our knowledge,” Neegan said.
Members meet for services twice a month most of the year — in the summer, that’s halved. Some of the congregants also meet in a weekly Torah study group.
Neegan was born and raised in Phoenix but moved to Yuma in 1975 after graduating from the University of Arizona when a friend told her about a job at the local library that had opened up. At the time, she didn’t think she’d stay in Yuma long. “I couldn’t imagine anyone living here. It was just, to me, a very small, dusty town,” she said.
For a few months, she thought she was the only Jew in town. But one day, she saw an article in the local newspaper about High Holiday services. “I went to services, and found that there was a small Jewish community here, and the people were very welcoming,” she said.
At the time, the congregation wasn’t affiliated with any branch of Judaism, since the people who attended had a variety of Jewish backgrounds and observance. Eventually it affiliated with the Union for Reform Judaism.
Neegan never expected to become as involved in her congregation as she did.
“If I had remained in either Phoenix or Tucson, or some other large city with a larger population, I might not have become as involved with either the religion or the congregation as I ended up being,” she said.
Neegan’s fellow congregants have become “a giant, extended family,” she said. “It’s like being on an island with people. If you get angry, there isn’t another synagogue to go to. You have to work it out somehow.”
Rabbi Nina Perlmutter, rabbi emerita of Congregation Lev Shalom in Flagstaff, said she’s often found that the further a Jewish person lives from an established Jewish community, the more dedicated they are to building Jewish community.
Many Jews who live in the Grand Canyon, where Perlmutter often officiates at lifecycle events, or other rural areas of Arizona moved for the beauty of the landscape, she said. For most of them, Jewish life wasn’t necessarily a priority and isn’t easily supported by the Jewish infrastructure of the area.
“But then they often find that they miss having Jewish connections,” she said. “I know people who have commuted a long time, like the Grand Canyon folks, to Flagstaff. That’s not easy. You gotta really want to do it.”
A version of this article originally appeared in the Jewish News of Greater Phoenix and is republished with permission.
大多數美國人相信天堂——但對誰能去那裡有矛盾
根據 PEW 的一項新調查,半數美國福音派人士認為,猶太人和其他宗教的成員——即使他們相信上帝——也沒有資格在天堂獲得永生。
作者:瑪雅·賈夫·霍夫曼
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 23 日 20:28
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 24 日 18:15
美國福音派祈禱
(圖片來源:路透社)
廣告
一半的美國福音派人士說“我的宗教是導致在天堂永生的真正信仰”,其他宗教的成員——即使他們像猶太人一樣相信上帝——不包括在內。
這是根據皮尤研究中心對近 6,500 名美國成年人進行的一項新調查得出的結果。該調查於 9 月 20 日至 26 日在該中心的美國趨勢小組中進行。雖然它的重點是關於有信仰的人如何看待 COVID 危機造成的世界苦難,但該調查也詢問了人們對來世——天堂和地獄的看法。
調查發現,近四分之三 (73%) 的美國人相信天堂,但他們對誰能去天堂存在分歧。
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近三分之一 (31%) 的美國
基督徒
表示,他們的宗教是導致天堂永生的真正信仰,而 58% 的人表示有多種宗教可以帶來這種永恆的獎賞。
19% 的福音派人士說其他基督教教派的成員可以在天堂獲得永生,44% 的人說許多宗教可以讓你到達那裡。天主教徒更有可能 (71%) 相信這一點。
天堂與地獄(來源:NEEDPIX.COM)
大約三分之一 (32%) 的美國人還說不相信上帝的人不能進入天堂,而 39% 的人說他們可以。福音派新教徒尤其認為信仰上帝是進入天堂的先決條件,71%的人表示只有擁有它的人才能去。
共和黨和民主黨之間也存在分歧,44%的共和黨人表示他們相信天堂,不信神的人不能去那裡,而持相同觀點的民主黨人(21%)不到一半看法。
排他性通常隨著人們年齡的增長而增加,21% 的 18 至 29 歲的人、29% 的 30 至 49 歲的人和 41% 的 50 至 64 歲的人說只有相信在上帝可以去天堂。然而,在這之後,人們變得更具包容性:在 65 歲以上的美國成年人中,只有 35% 的人認為這種信仰是通往天堂的門票。
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62% 的美國成年人表示他們相信地獄。
那些對天堂和地獄都表示信仰的人被進一步調查,並要求描述這些地方的性質。超過三分之二 (69%) 的人說天堂沒有苦難,近三分之二 (65%) 的人說個人與他們之前死去的親人重聚,60% 的人說你可以在那裡遇見上帝,60%說天堂裡的人有“完全健康的身體”。
相比之下,超過一半的受訪者認為地獄是一個心理痛苦的地方 (53%),人們在那裡意識到他們在世界上創造的痛苦 (53%),以及個人經歷身體痛苦的地方 (51%)。
大約四分之一的美國成年人 (26%) 根本不相信天堂或地獄。
超過一半的美國人 (58%) 說他們相信聖經中描述的上帝。另有三分之一 (32%) 表示他們相信其他一些更高的力量。
皮尤說,這項調查是在所有宗教的美國人中進行的,但沒有從猶太人、穆斯林、佛教徒、印度教徒或摩門教徒中獲得足夠的受訪者來單獨報告他們的觀點。誤差幅度為 +/-1.9 個百分點。
對於這項調查試圖回答關於世界上為什麼有這麼多苦難的哲學問題,例如過去兩年有超過 500 萬人死於新冠病毒,大多數美國人並不責怪上帝,而是說壞事發生是隨機機會、人們自己的行為以及社會結構方式的結果,儘管有些人認為撒旦是世界上邪惡的根源。
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在 91% 相信上帝或其他更高權力的人中,皮尤詢問了有關上帝與人類苦難之間關係的其他問題。
80% 的受訪者表示苦難來自人而不是上帝,儘管超過一半 (56%) 相信上帝選擇“不停止世界上的苦難,因為這是更大計劃的一部分”。
此外,近一半 (48%) 相信上帝或更高權力的人說“撒旦應對世界上大部分的苦難負責”,這反映了他們“很好”或“有點好”的觀點。這種觀點在福音派中尤為強烈。
然而,大多數美國人將世界的苦難歸咎於人們和他們所生活的社會。
71% 的人說“痛苦主要是人們自己行為的結果。” 類似的 69% 的人說“苦難主要是社會結構方式的結果。” 另外,68% 的受訪者表示“生活中的一切都是有原因的”。61% 的人表示,苦難意味著“為人們提供一個變得更強大的機會”。
很少有美國人 (4%) 說“全部或大部分”苦難是上帝的懲罰。相反,近一半 (46%) 強調世界上的苦難都不是上帝的懲罰。
大多數美國人相信天堂——但對誰能去那裡有矛盾
根據 PEW 的一項新調查,半數美國福音派人士認為,猶太人和其他宗教的成員——即使他們相信上帝——也沒有資格在天堂獲得永生。
作者:瑪雅·賈夫·霍夫曼
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 23 日 20:28
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 24 日 18:15
美國福音派祈禱
(圖片來源:路透社)
廣告
一半的美國福音派人士說“我的宗教是導致在天堂永生的真正信仰”,其他宗教的成員——即使他們像猶太人一樣相信上帝——不包括在內。
這是根據皮尤研究中心對近 6,500 名美國成年人進行的一項新調查得出的結果。該調查於 9 月 20 日至 26 日在該中心的美國趨勢小組中進行。雖然它的重點是關於有信仰的人如何看待 COVID 危機造成的世界苦難,但該調查也詢問了人們對來世——天堂和地獄的看法。
調查發現,近四分之三 (73%) 的美國人相信天堂,但他們對誰能去天堂存在分歧。
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近三分之一 (31%) 的美國
基督
表示,他們的宗教是導致天堂永生的真正信仰,而 58% 的人表示有多種宗教可以帶來這種永恆的獎賞。
19% 的福音派人士說其他基督教教派的成員可以在天堂獲得永生,44% 的人說許多宗教可以讓你到達那裡。天主教徒更有可能 (71%) 相信這一點。
天堂與地獄(來源:NEEDPIX.COM)
大約三分之一 (32%) 的美國人還說不相信上帝的人不能進入天堂,而 39% 的人說他們可以。福音派新教徒尤其認為信仰上帝是進入天堂的先決條件,71%的人表示只有擁有它的人才能去。
共和黨和民主黨之間也存在分歧,44%的共和黨人表示他們相信天堂,不信神的人不能去那裡,而持相同觀點的民主黨人(21%)不到一半看法。
排他性通常隨著人們年齡的增長而增加,21% 的 18 至 29 歲的人、29% 的 30 至 49 歲的人和 41% 的 50 至 64 歲的人說只有相信在上帝可以去天堂。然而,在這之後,人們變得更具包容性:在 65 歲以上的美國成年人中,只有 35% 的人認為這種信仰是通往天堂的門票。
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62% 的美國成年人表示他們相信地獄。
那些對天堂和地獄都表示信仰的人被進一步調查,並要求描述這些地方的性質。超過三分之二 (69%) 的人說天堂沒有苦難,近三分之二 (65%) 的人說個人與他們之前死去的親人重聚,60% 的人說你可以在那裡遇見上帝,60%說天堂裡的人有“完全健康的身體”。
相比之下,超過一半的受訪者認為地獄是一個心理痛苦的地方 (53%),人們在那裡意識到他們在世界上創造的痛苦 (53%),以及個人經歷身體痛苦的地方 (51%)。
大約四分之一的美國成年人 (26%) 根本不相信天堂或地獄。
超過一半的美國人 (58%) 說他們相信聖經中描述的上帝。另有三分之一 (32%) 表示他們相信其他一些更高的力量。
皮尤說,這項調查是在所有宗教的美國人中進行的,但沒有從猶太人、穆斯林、佛教徒、印度教徒或摩門教徒中獲得足夠的受訪者來單獨報告他們的觀點。誤差幅度為 +/-1.9 個百分點。
對於這項調查試圖回答關於世界上為什麼有這麼多苦難的哲學問題,例如過去兩年有超過 500 萬人死於新冠病毒,大多數美國人並不責怪上帝,而是說壞事發生是隨機機會、人們自己的行為以及社會結構方式的結果,儘管有些人認為撒旦是世界上邪惡的根源。
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在 91% 相信上帝或其他更高權力的人中,皮尤詢問了有關上帝與人類苦難之間關係的其他問題。
80% 的受訪者表示苦難來自人而不是上帝,儘管超過一半 (56%) 相信上帝選擇“不停止世界上的苦難,因為這是更大計劃的一部分”。
此外,近一半 (48%) 相信上帝或更高權力的人說“撒旦應對世界上大部分的苦難負責”,這反映了他們“很好”或“有點好”的觀點。這種觀點在福音派中尤為強烈。
然而,大多數美國人將世界的苦難歸咎於人們和他們所生活的社會。
71% 的人說“痛苦主要是人們自己行為的結果。” 類似的 69% 的人說“苦難主要是社會結構方式的結果。” 另外,68% 的受訪者表示“生活中的一切都是有原因的”。61% 的人表示,苦難意味著“為人們提供一個變得更強大的機會”。
很少有美國人 (4%) 說“全部或大部分”苦難是上帝的懲罰。相反,近一半 (46%) 強調世界上的苦難都不是上帝的懲罰。
Most Americans believe in heaven – but are conflicted about who can go there
Half of American Evangelicals believe that Jews and members of other religions – even if they believe in God – are not eligible for eternal life in heaven, according to a new PEW survey.
By MAAYAN JAFFE-HOFFMAN
Published: NOVEMBER 23, 2021 20:28
Updated: NOVEMBER 24, 2021 18:15
American evangelicals pray
(photo credit: REUTERS)
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Half of American Evangelicals say that “my religion is the one true faith leading to eternal life in heaven,” and that members of other religions – even if they believe in God like Jews – are not included.
This is according to the results of a new Pew Research Center survey of nearly 6,500 US adults. The survey was taken between September 20 and 26 on the Center’s American Trends Panel. Although its focus was meant to be on how people of faith view the suffering in the world caused by the COVID crisis, the survey also asked questions about people’s views of the afterlife – heaven and hell.
The survey found that almost three-fourths of Americans (73%) believe in heaven, but they disagree about who can go there.
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Nearly a third (31%) of all American
Christians
say their religion is the one true faith leading to eternal life in heaven, compared with 58% who say that there are multiple religions that can lead to such eternal reward.
Nineteen percent of Evangelicals say that members of other Christian denominations can achieve eternal life in heaven, and 44% say that many religions can get you there. Catholics are much more likely (71%) to believe this.
Heaven and Hell (credit: NEEDPIX.COM)
About a third (32%) of Americans also say that people who do not believe in God cannot enter heaven, compared with 39% who say that they can. Evangelical Protestants especially feel that belief in God is a prerequisite for heaven, with 71% saying that only those who have it can go.
There are also divisions between Republicans and Democrats, with 44% of Republicans saying that they believe in heaven, and that people who do not believe in God cannot go there, compared with less than half as many Democrats (21%) who hold the same view.
Exclusivity generally increases as people age, with 21% of 18- to 29-year-olds, 29% of 30- to 49-year-olds, and 41% of 50- to 64-year-olds saying that only people who believe in God can go to heaven. Older than that, however, people become more inclusive: just 35% of American adults over the age of 65 think that such belief is the ticket to heaven.
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And 62% of US adults say they believe in hell.
Those who expressed belief in both heaven and hell were further surveyed and asked to describe the nature of these places. More than two-thirds (69%) say that heaven is free of suffering, almost two-thirds (65%) say individuals are reunited with their loved ones who previously died, 60% say that you can meet God there, and 60% say that individuals in heaven have “perfectly healthy bodies.”
In contrast, more than half of respondents think that hell is a place of psychological suffering (53%), where people become aware of the suffering they created in the world (53%), and where individuals experience physical suffering (51%).
Around a quarter of American adults (26%) do not believe in heaven or hell at all.
More than half of Americans (58%) say they believe in God as described in the Bible. Another third (32%) say they believe in some other higher power.
The survey was conducted among Americans of all religions, but it did not obtain enough respondents from Jews, Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus or Mormons to report separately on their views, Pew said. The margin of error was +/-1.9 percentage points.
Regarding the survey’s attempt to answer philosophical questions about why there is so much suffering in the world, such as the death of more than five million people from corona in the last two years, the majority of Americans do not blame God but say that bad things happen as a result of random chance, people’s own actions, and the way society is structured, though some believe that Satan is the cause of evil in the world.
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Among the 91% who believe in God or another higher power, Pew asked additional questions about the relationship between God and human suffering.
Eighty percent of respondents say suffering comes from people and not God, though more than half (56%) believe that God chooses “not to stop the suffering in the world because it is part of a larger plan.”
Moreover, nearly half (48%) of people who believe in God or a higher power say that “Satan is responsible for most of the suffering in the world” reflects their views either “very well” or “somewhat well.” This view is especially strong among Evangelicals.
Most Americans, however, blame people and the society they live in for the world’s suffering.
Seventy-one percent say “suffering is mostly a consequence of people’s own actions.” A similar 69% say “suffering is mostly a result of the way society is structured.” Separately, 68% of respondents say “everything in life happens for a reason.” And 61% say that suffering is meant “to provide an opportunity for people to come out stronger.”
Few Americans (4%) say “all or most” suffering is a punishment from God. Rather, nearly half (46%) stressed that none of the suffering in the world is a punishment from God.
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2021.11.28 國際新聞導讀-伊朗避談核武議題只談解除制裁、阿聯大公國修改刑法典允許非婚生子女但要認領辦國籍文件、巴勒斯坦自治政府加大在西岸打擊哈瑪斯與伊斯蘭聖戰組織、沙烏地接受優秀人才入籍、GHAJAR在黎巴嫩與以色列間被一分為二
伊朗堅稱維也納會談不在與美國會晤前幾天討論核問題
週一美國和伊朗之間在主要大國參與下的間接會談旨在使兩國完全遵守 2015 年的核協議。
通過LAHAV哈爾科夫,路透
在維也納舉行的談判只會是關於解除制裁,而不是伊朗的核計劃,伊朗官員周五繼續堅持,也就是計劃恢復談判的前三天。
據伊朗媒體報導,伊朗原子能組織負責人穆罕默德·伊斯拉姆表示,維也納會談的重點不是“核問題”,而是美國重返 2015 年的核協議,這與其他官員最近幾週的言論相呼應。
另外,伊朗外交部長侯賽因·阿米拉布多拉希安表示,伊朗正在重新進入談判,尋求可核查地解除美國的經濟制裁。
週一美國和伊朗之間在主要大國參與下的間接會談旨在使兩國完全遵守 2015 年的核協議,隨著制裁的逐步解除,該協議限制了伊朗的鈾濃縮活動。華盛頓於 2018 年放棄了該協議,並重新對伊朗實施嚴厲制裁。
美國和伊朗從 4 月到 6 月為此進行了談判,但伊朗在總統大選前退出了談判。由總統易卜拉欣·賴西(Ebrahim Raisi)領導的德黑蘭新政府比其前任更反西方,更不願意重返協議,並多次表示只對讓美國解除制裁感興趣,而不是重返協議。伊朗在 2015 年協議下的承諾。
2021 年 4 月 10 日在伊朗德黑蘭舉行的伊朗國家核能日期間展出了許多新一代伊朗離心機(圖片來源:伊朗總統辦公室/WANA(西亞新聞社)/通過路透社的講義)
阿米拉布多拉希安在與歐盟外交政策負責人約瑟夫·博雷爾(Joseph Borrell)的電話交談中說:“如果對立雙方准備恢復其全部義務並解除制裁,就可以達成一項良好甚至立即的協議。”
“伊朗希望達成一項良好且可核實的協議,”伊朗媒體援引阿米拉布多拉希安的話說。
預計外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德將於週日啟程前往倫敦和巴黎,他計劃在那裡會見英國首相鮑里斯·約翰遜和法國總統埃馬紐埃爾·馬克龍,在談判前討論伊朗核威脅。
拉皮德的辦公室週六表示,COVID-19的新Omicron 變體的傳播並沒有改變他的計劃。
國際原子能機構總幹事拉斐爾格羅西周三表示,在本周訪問德黑蘭後,他在幾項爭端上沒有取得任何進展,其中最緊迫的是兩個月後進入 TESA Karaj 綜合體的車間。伊朗答應給予。
該車間為離心機和濃縮鈾的機器製造組件,並在 6 月遭到明顯的破壞襲擊,那裡的四台 IAEA 攝像機中的一台被摧毀。伊朗移除了攝像機,被毀的攝像機的鏡頭也不見了。
“我們已經接近無法保證知識連續性的地步,”格羅西說。
然而,阿米拉布多拉希安告訴博雷爾,儘管美國違反了 2015 年的協議,但伊朗將“真誠地”參加維也納會談。
Iran insists Vienna talks not on nuclear issues days before meetings with US
Monday’s indirect talks between the United States and Iran, with the participation of major powers, aim at bringing the two countries into full compliance with the 2015 nuclear deal.
By LAHAV HARKOV, REUTERS
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 19:40
Updated: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 22:06
DELEGATES WAIT for the start of talks on reviving the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, in Vienna, Austria, last month.
(photo credit: EU DELEGATION IN VIENNA/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)
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Negotiations in Vienna will only be about lifting sanctions and not Iran’s nuclear program, Iranian officials continued to insist on Friday, three days before the planned resumption of talks.
The head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, Mohammad Islamic, said the Vienna talks will not be about “nuclear issues,” but rather about America's return to the 2015 nuclear deal, Iranian media reported, echoing remarks by other officials in recent weeks.
Separately, Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amirabdollahian said his country is reentering negotiations seeking the verifiable lifting of US economic sanctions.
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Monday’s indirect talks between the United States and Iran, with the participation of major powers, aim at bringing the two countries into full compliance with the 2015 nuclear deal, which limited Iran’s uranium enrichment along with the gradual lifting of sanctions. Washington abandoned the accord in 2018 and reimposed crippling sanctions on Iran.
The US and Iran negotiated from April to June towards that end, but Iran left talks ahead of its presidential election. The new government in Tehran, led by President Ebrahim Raisi, is even more anti-Western than its predecessor and less disposed towards returning to the agreement, and has repeatedly said it is only interested in having the US lift sanctions, as opposed to returning to Iran’s commitments under the 2015 deal.
A number of new generation Iranian centrifuges are seen on display during Iran's National Nuclear Energy Day in Tehran, Iran April 10, 2021 (credit: IRANIAN PRESIDENCY OFFICE/WANA (WEST ASIA NEWS AGENCY)/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)
“If the opposing sides are prepared to return to their full obligations and the lifting of sanctions, a good and even immediate agreement can be reached,” Amirabdollahian said in a telephone conversation with the European Union’s foreign policy chief, Joseph Borrell.
“Iran wants a good and verifiable agreement,” Iranian media quoted Amirabdollahian as saying.
Foreign Minister Yair Lapid is expected to take off for London and Paris on Sunday, where he plans to meet with UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson and French President Emmanuel Macron to discuss the Iranian nuclear threat ahead of the negotiations.
Lapid’s office said on Saturday that the spread of the new Omicron variant of COVID-19 did not change his plans.
International Atomic Energy Agency Director-General Rafael Grossi said on Wednesday, following a trip to Tehran this week, that he had made no progress on several disputes, the most pressing of which was getting access to the workshop at the TESA Karaj complex two months after Iran promised to grant it.
The workshop makes components for centrifuges, machines that enrich uranium, and was hit by an apparent sabotage attack in June in which one of four IAEA cameras there was destroyed. Iran removed the cameras and the destroyed camera’s footage is missing.
“We are close to the point where I would not be able to guarantee continuity of knowledge,” Grossi said.
However, Amirabdollahian told Borrell that Iran would attend the Vienna talks in “good faith” – despite the US violation of the 2015 agreement.
阿聯酋新刑法“海灣國家歷史上最徹底的改革”
一項看似新的變化是批准了自 2022 年 1 月 2 日起生效的聯邦犯罪和懲罰法,旨在更好地保護婦女、家政人員和公共安全。
通過路透
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 15:49
2020 年 8 月 19 日,一名男子在美國駐耶路撒冷大使官邸外揮舞著一面巨大的阿聯酋國旗。
(照片來源:YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90)
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阿拉伯聯合酋長國周六表示,新的刑法典將於 1 月生效,作為該海灣國家歷史上最全面的法律改革的一部分。
國家通訊社 WAM 報導稱,政府今年正在修改 40 項法律。然而,它沒有說明哪些變化——涉及商業公司、在線安全、貿易、版權、居住權、毒品和社會問題——是新的,哪些是以前報導過的。
一項看似新的變化是批准了自 2022 年 1 月 2 日起生效的聯邦犯罪和懲罰法,旨在更好地保護婦女、家政人員和公共安全。
隨著保守的海灣鄰國沙特阿拉伯向外國投資和人才開放,阿聯酋希望改革其法律體係以保持競爭優勢。
迄今為止的主要變化包括將婚前性關係和飲酒合法化,以及在 2020 年 11 月取消處理所謂“名譽殺人”時的寬大處理規定。
2021 年 6 月 11 日,女性走過阿拉伯聯合酋長國迪拜的哈利法塔(圖片來源:REUTERS/CHRISTOPHER PIKE)
週六的聲明增加了以前對婚前性關係和由此生的孩子的狀況所缺乏的清晰度——指出父母不必結婚。
聲明說:“任何非婚生子女的夫婦都將被要求結婚或單獨或共同承認孩子,並根據其中一方是國民的國家的法律提供身份證件和旅行證件。”
如果父母不承認和照顧孩子,將面臨兩年監禁的刑事案件。
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阿聯酋最近的其他變化包括引入長期簽證,以吸引和留住人才,並鼓勵更多企業開店。
阿布扎比酋長國本月推出了自己的改革——一項新穎的世俗家庭法——旨在使自己對外籍人士更具吸引力。
New UAE criminal code 'most sweeping reform in Gulf state's history'
One change that appears new is the ratification of a Federal Crime and Punishment Law, effective from Jan. 2, 2022, designed to better protect women, domestic staff, and public safety.
By REUTERS
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 15:49
A MAN waves a giant UAE flag outside the US ambassador’s residence in Jerusalem, August 19, 2020.
(photo credit: YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90)
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The United Arab Emirates on Saturday said a new criminal code would come into force in January as part of what it called the most sweeping legal reform in the Gulf state's history.
State news agency WAM reported the government is changing 40 laws this year. It did not make clear, however, which of the changes - which concern commercial companies, online security, trade, copyright, residency, narcotics and social issues - were new and which had been previously reported.
One change that appears new is the ratification of a Federal Crime and Punishment Law, effective from Jan. 2, 2022, designed to better protect women, domestic staff, and public safety.
The UAE wants to reform its legal system to keep a competitive edge as conservative Gulf neighbor Saudi Arabia opens itself up to foreign investment and talent.
Major changes so far included decriminalizing premarital sexual relations and alcohol consumption, and canceling provisions for leniency when dealing with so-called "honor killings" in November 2020.
Women walk past the Burj Khalifa in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, June 11, 2021 (credit: REUTERS/CHRISTOPHER PIKE)
Saturday's statement adds clarity that had been previously lacking to the status of pre-marital sexual relations and children born from them - stating that parents need not be married.
"Any couple conceiving a child out of wedlock will be required to marry or singly or jointly acknowledge the child and provide identification papers and travel documents in accordance with the laws of the country of which either is a national," the statement said.
A criminal case with two years imprisonment would be brought should parents not acknowledge and care for the child.
Other recent changes by the UAE include introducing longer-term visas as a way to attract and retain talent and encourage more businesses to set up shop.
The emirate of Abu Dhabi this month introduced its own reform - a novel secular family law - aimed at making itself more attractive to expatriates.
巴勒斯坦權力機構加大對哈馬斯和伊斯蘭聖戰成員的鎮壓力度
巴勒斯坦權力機構最近加大了對哈馬斯和其他派​​系成員的鎮壓力度,因此受到嚴厲批評。
哈利·阿布·托梅
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 14:34
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 20:53
2021 年 8 月 2 日,巴勒斯坦權力機構的批評者尼扎爾·巴納特 (Nizar Banat) 在約旦河西岸拉馬拉去世 40 天后,巴勒斯坦示威者參加了一場反巴勒斯坦權力機構的抗議活動。
(圖片來源:路透社/穆罕默德·托羅克曼)
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巴勒斯坦權力機構加強了對約旦河西岸哈馬斯成員和其他巴勒斯坦派系成員的安全鎮壓,引起了這些團體、政治活動家和人權組織的尖銳批評。
在單獨的聲明中,哈馬斯、巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織(PIJ)和解放巴勒斯坦人民陣線(PFLP)的成員是正在進行的鎮壓的主要目標,他們呼籲停止巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊採取的措施。
拉馬拉的一名巴勒斯坦權力機構官員表示,安全措施旨在“執行法律和秩序”並“防止暴徒和武裝團伙企圖破壞巴勒斯坦權力機構並擾亂和平。”
這位官員駁斥了有關巴勒斯坦權力機構領導層利用安全鎮壓來打擊政治對手並使批評者噤聲的指控。
上週,巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員阻止哈馬斯、PIJ 和 PFLP 的支持者在公共場合舉起他們的旗幟和橫幅。這些官員還在西岸不同地區逮捕了幾名哈馬斯和 PIJ 成員。
巴勒斯坦示威者上個月在拉馬拉參加了一場反巴勒斯坦權力機構的抗議活動。(信用:穆罕默德·托羅克曼/路透社)
星期五,巴勒斯坦權力機構便衣保安人員在伯利恆攔截了一個葬禮隊伍,並沒收了屬於這三個團體的旗幟和橫幅。
事件發生在 14 歲的 Amjad Abu Sultan 的葬禮上,他上個月試圖從俯瞰 60 號公路的地區向以色列車輛投擲燃燒瓶時被以色列國防軍士兵殺害。他的屍體被移交上週給巴勒斯坦人。
星期四,巴勒斯坦權力機構安全人員突襲了傑寧地區的塔蒙鎮,並在該組織為剛從以色列監獄獲釋的當地居民阿茲米·巴尼·奧德 (Azmi Bani Odeh) 舉行的招待會上沒收了 PIJ 的橫幅。
在他的兄弟薩達姆在與以色列國防軍士兵的衝突中喪生後不久,奧德就被以色列當局逮捕了。26 歲的薩達姆是著名的 PIJ 活動家。
上週早些時候,巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員在拉馬拉為 Mu'tasem Zaloum 舉行的招待會上襲擊了一些巴勒斯坦人,Mu'tasem Zaloum也是一名同樣從以色列監獄獲釋的哈馬斯成員。官員沒收了哈馬斯旗幟,並傳喚了幾名參與者進行審訊。他們還使用催淚瓦斯驅散哈馬斯的支持者。
類似的事件發生在 Tulkarm 附近的 Bala'ah 村,巴勒斯坦安全部隊阻止居民為另一名從以色列監獄獲釋的哈馬斯活動家 Hani Barabrah 舉行招待會。
村里的消息人士說,巴勒斯坦權力機構安全人員還沒收了哈馬斯旗幟,並逮捕了一些參加慶祝活動的居民。
禁止屬於哈馬斯、PIJ 和 PFLP 的旗幟和橫幅的決定是在最近在傑寧為本月早些時候死于冠狀病毒的哈馬斯高級官員瓦斯菲卡巴哈舉行的集體葬禮之後做出的。
哈馬斯和 PIJ 蒙面槍手參加​​葬禮被視為對巴勒斯坦權力機構領導層的巨大尷尬和直接挑戰。
作為回應,巴勒斯坦權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯決定更換傑寧地區巴勒斯坦安全部隊各分支機構的指揮官。
據報導,阿巴斯還向巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊發出了嚴格的指示,禁止哈馬斯、PIJ 和其他與其執政的法塔赫派別無關聯的團體舉辦所有公開活動。
據巴勒斯坦消息人士稱,過去兩周至少有 65 名巴勒斯坦人被巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊拘留。消息人士稱,大多數被拘留者被懷疑與哈馬斯和 PIJ 有關聯。
此外,安全部隊傳喚了 50 多名巴勒斯坦人,特別是在約旦河西岸北部地區。
哈馬斯譴責巴勒斯坦權力機構的鎮壓行動,稱其為“國家和道德罪行”。
哈馬斯發言人哈澤姆·卡西姆 (Hazem Qassem) 在談到巴勒斯坦權力機構對公共活動的禁令時說,巴勒斯坦安全部隊的此類行動“只會為佔領服務”。他指出,巴勒斯坦權力機構的鎮壓恰逢約旦河西岸“猶太復國主義對巴勒斯坦人的侵略”增加。卡西姆在一份聲明中說:“與其針對巴勒斯坦派係並阻止他們開展活動,不如說巴勒斯坦權力機構應該保護巴勒斯坦人。”
來自拉馬拉的哈馬斯高級官員 HUSSEIN ABU KWEIK 譴責巴勒斯坦權力機構將慶祝巴勒斯坦人從以色列監獄獲釋的活動作為目標。“這種行為違反了巴勒斯坦人尊重囚犯並歌頌他們的鬥爭的價值觀,”他說。
阿布奎克補充說,以哈馬斯成員及其旗幟為目標不會“阻止運動繼續其光榮的抵抗和追求民族團結的道路”。
PIJ 在一份聲明中表示,“巴勒斯坦安全部隊在傑寧綁架我們的活動人士是一種不愛國和不道德的行為。” 該組織還聲稱,巴勒斯坦權力機構的鎮壓旨在“為佔領服務”。
PFLP 在伯利恆葬禮期間對這一事件發表評論,指責巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊對哀悼者進行了“野蠻襲擊”。
PFLP在一份聲明中說:“發生的事情證實,安全部隊沒有從他們對公共自由的攻擊中吸取教訓,他們堅持繼續採取鎮壓措施。” “對葬禮的襲擊代表了巴勒斯坦安全部門做法的危險轉變,這需要起訴參與其中的人和下達命令的人。”
巴勒斯坦正義律師組織也猛烈抨擊巴勒斯坦權力機構。
“正義律師協會譴責基於政治派別壓制自由和起訴激進分子和公民的場景,”該組織表示,指的是對數十名被指控抗議殺害反叛分子的政治激進分子和學者正在進行的審判。 - 腐敗活動家尼扎爾·巴納特 (Nizar Banat),希伯倫居民,6 月下旬被巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員毆打致死。
該組織指出,當局最近採取的措施,包括沒收旗幟和橫幅,違反了阿巴斯今年早些時候發布的“總統令”。該法令在計劃中的大選之前發布,呼籲“促進巴勒斯坦國所有領土的公共自由,包括政治和國家行動的自由”。
PA steps up crackdown on Hamas, Islamic Jihad members
The Palestinian Authority drew sharp criticism for its crackdown on Hamas and other faction members, which it stepped up recently.
By KHALED ABU TOAMEH
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 14:34
Updated: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 20:53
Palestinian demonstrators attend an anti-Palestinian Authority protest, forty days after the death of Nizar Banat, a critic of the Palestinian Authority, Ramallah in the West Bank August 2, 2021.
(photo credit: REUTERS/MOHAMAD TOROKMAN)
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The Palestinian Authority has stepped up its security crackdown on members of Hamas and other Palestinian factions in the West Bank, drawing sharp criticism from the groups, political activists and human rights organizations.
In separate statements, Hamas, Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), whose members are the prime targets of the ongoing clampdown, called for an end to the measures taken by the PA security forces.
A PA official in Ramallah said that the security measures were designed to “enforce law and order” and “prevent attempts by thugs and armed gangs to undermine the Palestinian Authority and disturb the peace.”
The official dismissed accusations that the PA leadership was exploiting the security crackdown to target political rivals and silence critics.
In the past week, PA security officers prevented Hamas, PIJ and PFLP supporters from carrying their flags and banners in public. The officers also arrested several Hamas and PIJ members in different parts of the West Bank.
Palestinian demonstrators attend an anti-Palestinian Authority protest in Ramallah last month. (credit: MOHAMAD TOROKMAN/REUTERS)
On Friday, PA plainclothes security officers intercepted a funeral procession in Bethlehem and confiscated flags and banners belonging to the three groups.
The incident took place during the funeral of 14-year-old Amjad Abu Sultan, who was killed by IDF soldiers last month as he was trying to throw a Molotov cocktail at Israeli vehicles from an area that overlooks Route 60. His body was handed over to the Palestinians last week.
On Thursday, PA security officers raided the town of Tammun in the Jenin area and confiscated PIJ banners during a reception held by the group for Azmi Bani Odeh, a local resident who had just been released from Israeli prison.
Odeh was arrested by Israeli authorities shortly after his brother, Saddam, was killed during a clash with IDF soldiers. Saddam, 26, was known as a leading PIJ activist.
EARLIER LAST week, PA security officers attacked a number of Palestinians during a reception in Ramallah for Mu’tasem Zaloum, a Hamas member who was also released from Israeli prison. The officers confiscated Hamas flags and summoned several participants for interrogation. They also used tear gas to disperse the Hamas supporters.
A similar incident took place in the village of Bala’ah, near Tulkarm, where Palestinian security forces prevented residents from holding a reception for Hani Barabrah, another Hamas activist released from Israeli prison.
Sources in the village said that the PA security officers confiscated also Hamas flags, and arrested a number of residents who participated in the celebration.
The decision to ban flags and banners belonging to Hamas, PIJ and PFLP came after the recent mass funeral held in Jenin for Wasfi Kabaha, a senior Hamas official who died of coronavirus earlier this month.
The participation of Hamas and PIJ masked gunmen in the funeral was seen as a huge embarrassment for, and a direct challenge to, the PA’s leadership.
In response, PA President Mahmoud Abbas decided to replace the commanders of the various branches of the Palestinian security forces in the Jenin area.
Abbas is also reported to have issued strict instructions to the PA security forces to ban all public events held by Hamas, PIJ and other groups that are not affiliated with his ruling Fatah faction.
According to Palestinian sources, at least 65 Palestinians have been detained by the PA security forces in the past two weeks. Most of the detainees are suspected of being affiliated with Hamas and PIJ, the sources said.
In addition, more than 50 Palestinians were summoned for interrogation by the security forces, especially in the northern West Bank.
Hamas condemned the PA crackdown, dubbing it a “national and moral crime.”
Referring to the PA ban on public events, Hamas spokesperson Hazem Qassem said that such actions by the Palestinian security forces “only serve the occupation.” He pointed out that the PA crackdown coincided with an increase in “the Zionist aggression against Palestinians” in the West Bank. “Instead of targeting Palestinian factions and preventing them from holding activities, the Palestinian Authority should be defending Palestinians,” Qassem said in a statement.
HUSSEIN ABU KWEIK, a senior Hamas official from Ramallah, condemned the PA for targeting events to celebrate the release of Palestinians from Israeli prison. “This behavior violates Palestinian values that respect the prisoners and glorify their struggle,” he said.
The targeting of Hamas members and its banners will not “discourage the movement from continuing with its honorable path of resistance and pursuit of national unity,” Abu Kwiek added.
PIJ said in a statement that the “abduction of our activists by the Palestinian security forces in Jenin is an unpatriotic and immoral act.” The group also claimed that the PA crackdown was intended “to serve the occupation.”
Commenting on the incident during the funeral in Bethlehem, the PFLP accused the PA security forces of carrying out a “brutal assault” on the mourners.
“What happened confirms that the security forces have not learned lessons from their assaults on public freedoms and that they insist on proceeding with their repressive measures,” the PFLP said in a statement. “The attack on the funeral represents a dangerous shift in the practices of the Palestinian security services, which requires the prosecution of those involved in it and of those who gave the orders.”
The Palestinian Lawyers for Justice group also lashed out at the PA.
“Lawyers for Justice denounces the scenes of suppression of freedoms and the prosecution of activists and citizens on the basis of their political affiliation,” the group said, referring to the ongoing trial of dozens of political activists and academics accused of protesting the killing of anti-corruption activist Nizar Banat, a resident of Hebron, who was beaten to death by PA security officers in late June.
The group pointed out that the authority’s recent measures, including the confiscation of flags and banners, were in violation of a “presidential decree” issued by Abbas earlier this year. The decree, which came ahead of the planned general elections, called for “boosting public freedoms in all the territories of the State of Palestine, including the freedom of political and national action.”
阿拉伯媒體的聲音:來自沙特阿拉伯的好消息
每週精選來自世界各地阿拉伯媒體的意見和分析。
通過針對媒體線
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 25 日 20:18
11 月 15 日在迪拜航展上參觀 Edge 顯示器。
(圖片來源:STRINGER/REUTERS)
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來自沙特阿拉伯的喜訊
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Asharq al-Awsat,倫敦,11 月 19 日
上週,沙特阿拉伯正式實施了入籍計劃,這將為具有特殊能力和才能的外國人獲得公民身份鋪平道路。
這一決定的重要性可以概括為三點。
第一:該決定吸引了人才,這將對沙特社會及其未來產生積極影響。吸引優秀人才是大國成功的原因之一。
例如,我們不要忘記美國如何從居住在該國的優秀工人的歸化中受益。這方面的例子比比皆是——美國 8% 的醫生是印度裔,矽谷五分之一的科技公司是由印度裔人士創立的。每年約有四分之一的公司是由移民在美國創辦的,三分之一的美國諾貝爾獎獲得者來自移民背景並隨後獲得了公民身份。讓我們不要忘記阿拉伯移民及其角色,讓我們記住史蒂夫喬布斯是敘利亞移民的兒子。
第二:該決定增加了王國的文化和社會多樣性。我們現在知道,成功的社會是能夠接納來自不同背景的公民,同時將他們團結在一個國家認同之下的社會。簡而言之,多樣性使社會更加富裕。我們今天生活的世界比以往任何時候都更加緊密,全球社會反映了一個國家適應不斷變化的環境的能力。
2021 年 10 月 14 日,美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯和沙特阿拉伯外交部長費薩爾·本·法爾漢·阿勒沙特在美國華盛頓國務院會晤前向記者發表講話。(圖片來源:REUTERS/JONATHAN ERNST)
第三:該決定緩和了徹底關閉邊界的狂熱呼籲或一直困擾中東的危險種族主義和仇外心理。這種種族主義的呼聲是基於純粹的仇恨,這種仇恨根據人們的出生地進行分類。如果它們不被扼殺在萌芽狀態,它們就會撕裂社會。
該決定傳達了一個明確的道德和人道主義信息,即嚴格根據他或她的優點來判斷一個人;不是外表、宗教、種族或種族。
最後,這一決定的重要性遠遠超出了沙特阿拉伯。它向其他政府和國家傳達了一個明確的道德信息——在一個充滿煽動和仇恨的分裂的阿拉伯地區,這是一個接受、開放和交流的信息。
以能力豐富社會,引入人類多樣性的元素,遏制種族主義,無疑是面向未來的強大、健康和寬容社會的標誌,而充滿報復和仇恨的教條社會最終只會摧毀相信的人。在他們之中。– 馬姆杜·穆海尼
海灣合作委員會國家克服了重大障礙
阿聯酋,Al-Ittihad,11 月 18 日
海灣合作委員會國家似乎正在克服過去兩年限制其增長的兩大障礙。
第一個是 COVID-19。海灣合作委員會國家在為其居民接種疫苗方面取得了快速進展,使他們能夠恢復重要的金融活動,如旅遊和旅行,並促進經濟發展。
例如,阿聯酋航空公司在今年上半年設法將虧損減少了約 54%。同樣,在迪拜舉辦的世博會和迪拜航展為阿聯酋帶來了數千名遊客。這在很大程度上要歸功於創造性的新措施,例如採用統一的海灣疫苗接種證書,類似於歐盟引入的證書。
影響海灣經濟體的另一個障礙與去年石油價格的大幅下跌有關,這導致許多海灣國家出現嚴重的預算赤字和大型項目的推遲。然而,近期數據表明,近期油價上漲將對海灣合作委員會國家的經濟活動產生顯著的積極影響,尤其是支出的增加和赤字的減少。
沙特阿拉伯王國已經宣布今年第二季度的赤字大幅減少,從去年第二季度的 1090 億里亞爾降至 4.6b。今年同一季度的里亞爾。同樣,根據財政部的數據,科威特預算赤字在本財政年度的前四個月減少了 94.5%。預計其他海灣合作委員會國家的預算今年也將出現類似的赤字縮減。
所有這些都為來年的經濟增長提供了真正的希望,範圍在 3% 到 4% 之間。這些事態發展為海灣國家提供了一個寶貴的機會,可以在油價大幅波動時避免進一步的困難。
因此,海灣合作委員會國家可以利用這些金融和衛生髮展來振興其經濟並使它們恢復到大流行前的水平。這將是一項令人難以置信的成就,可以在未來幾年繼續發展。
- 穆罕默德·阿蘇米
最少閱讀,但最重要的新聞
黎巴嫩,Al-Nahar,11 月 17 日
作為專欄作家,我們經常發現自己寫的是我們認為讀者有興趣閱讀的內容,而不一定是我們認為重要的內容。
然而,今天我決定反其道而行之,向我的讀者介紹我認為對他們的生活非常重要的東西:氣候變化、恐怖主義和現代技術。
從表面上看,這三個問題似乎無關。但事實是,這三者是直接相連的。
你看,地球氣候變化的問題不僅與全球氣溫升高甚至與某些城市的消失有關;它還與血腥衝突、革命和移民潮的興起有關。水資源的枯竭以及食品和基本商品價格的上漲與衝突直接相關。
例如,蘇丹目前的衝突是圍繞農田和獲取農業資源的衝突。在鄰國埃塞俄比亞,由於資源稀缺和水權問題,當地民族之間出現了衝突。甚至在敘利亞,氣候變化也促使人們從農村遷移到城市。
即使是 2015 年的歐洲難民危機——這場危機對歐盟的威脅可能比它所面臨的任何其他危機都要大——也可以部分歸因於氣候變化。氣候變化和人們可用資源的枯竭也加劇了從南美到北美的移民,導致原籍國的政治動盪和目的地國的反移民情緒日益高漲。
而且,正如我們所知,移民總是帶有恐怖主義的內在風險,因為恐怖分子利用政治動盪來傳播他們的存在並建立新的組織。
第三個因素是科技的巨大發展,它一方面對人類有利,同時也對人類有害。
今天,信息(正確和不正確)不再局限於一小群人,而是所有人都可以使用,技術和發現藥物的嘗試已經發展到可以釋放人類思維可以產生的最有害的物質大眾。至於傳播思想和顛覆性言論,他們在幾分鐘內漫遊世界,如果不是在幾秒鐘內。
此外,用於發現治療最嚴重疾病的技術與可用於用新型生物武器威脅人類的技術相同。
最後,網絡戰對發達國家和發展中國家都構成了日益嚴重的威脅,非國家行為者只需按一下按鈕即可摧毀銀行、投票站和關鍵基礎設施,例如電力線。
氣候變化、恐怖主義和技術監管等問題不是美國、歐盟或中國能夠解決的問題。相反,整個世界必須走到一起並合作。
在最近的聯合國氣候變化大會(COP26)上,中美能夠克服分歧並進行合作,因為兩國在應對全球變暖方面有著共同利益。
正如兩個超級大國可以在氣候變化領域合作一樣,他們也可以找到共同打擊國際恐怖主義和規範技術的方法。– 穆罕默德·阿爾·魯邁希
由 Asaf Zilberfarb 翻譯。
Voices from the Arab press: Happy news from Saudi Arabia
A weekly selection of opinions and analyses from the Arab media around the world.
By THE MEDIA LINE
Published: NOVEMBER 25, 2021 20:18
VISITING THE Edge display at the Dubai Airshow, November 15.
(photo credit: STRINGER/ REUTERS)
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HAPPY NEWS FROM SAUDI ARABIA
For more stories from The Media Line go to themedialine.org
Asharq al-Awsat, London, November 19
Last week, Saudi Arabia formalized its naturalization program, which will pave the way to citizenship for foreigners with exceptional abilities and talent.
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The importance of this decision can be summarized in three points.
First: The decision attracts talent, which will reflect positively on Saudi society and its future. Attracting brilliant minds was one of the reasons that contributed to the successes of major countries.
Let’s not forget how the United States, for example, benefited from the naturalization of outstanding workers who lived in the country. Examples for this abound – 8% of doctors in America are of Indian origin, and one-fifth of the technology companies in Silicon Valley were founded by individuals of Indian origin. Immigrants in America start up about a quarter of companies each year, and a third of American Nobel Prize winners come from immigrant backgrounds and subsequently acquired citizenship. Let’s not forget the Arab immigrants and their role, and let us remember that Steve Jobs was the son of a Syrian immigrant.
Second: The decision increases cultural and social diversity in the kingdom. We now know that successful societies are ones that can embrace citizens from different backgrounds while uniting them under a single national identity. In short, diversity makes society richer. The world we live in today is more connected than ever before, and a global society reflects a nation’s ability to adjust to changing circumstances.
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Saudi Arabia's Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud deliver remarks to reporters before meeting at the State Department in Washington, US, October 14, 2021. (credit: REUTERS/JONATHAN ERNST)
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Third: The decision mitigates the fanatical calls for complete closure of borders or the dangerous racism and xenophobia that have been plaguing the Middle East. Such racist calls are based on pure hatred that classifies people based on where they were born. They can tear societies apart, if they aren’t nipped at the bud.
The decision carries a clear moral and humanitarian message that a person is judged strictly on the basis of his or her merit; not appearance, religion, ethnicity or race.
Finally, the importance of this decision extends well beyond Saudi Arabia. It sends a clear moral message to other governments and nations – a message of acceptance, openness and communication in a divided Arab region charged with calls for incitement and hatred.
Enriching society with competencies, introducing the element of human diversity, and curbing racism are undoubtedly the signs of strong, healthy and tolerant societies that look toward the future, in contrast to dogmatic societies filled with vengeance and hatred, which ultimately destroy only those who believe in them. – Mamdouh al-Muhaini
GCC STATES HAVE OVERCOME BIG OBSTACLES
Al-Ittihad, UAE, November 18
It seems that the Gulf Cooperation Council countries are on their way to overcoming two major obstacles that limited their growth during the past two years.
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The first is COVID-19. GCC states have made rapid progress in vaccinating their residents, allowing them to restore important financial activity, such as tourism and travel, and boost their economies.
For example, Emirates airline managed to decrease its losses in the first half of this year by roughly 54%. Similarly, the World Expo, hosted in Dubai, and the Dubai Airshow, brought thousands of visitors into the UAE. This was achieved to a large degree thanks to creative new measures such as the adoption of a unified Gulf vaccination certificate, similar to the one introduced by the European Union.
Another obstacle that left its effect on the Gulf economies is related to the significant drop in oil prices last year, which led to severe budget deficits and the postponement of large projects in many Gulf states. However, recent data suggest that the recent rises in oil prices will have significant positive repercussions on economic activity in GCC countries, especially the increase in spending and the reduction of deficits.
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia already announced a significant decrease in its deficit in the second quarter of this year, coming down from 109 billion riyals in Q2 last year to 4.6b. riyals in the same quarter this year. Similarly, the Kuwaiti budget deficit decreased by 94.5% in the first four months of the current fiscal year, according to the Ministry of Finance. The budgets of the rest of the GCC countries are expected to witness a similar shrinking in the deficit for the current year.
All of this provides real hope for economic growth in the coming year, ranging between 3% and 4%. These developments provide a valuable opportunity for Gulf countries to avoid further difficulties in the event of sharp fluctuations in oil prices.
Thus, GCC states can leverage these financial and health developments to revitalize their economies and bring them back to their pre-pandemic levels. This will be an incredible achievement that can be built upon for the coming years.
– Mohammed Al-Asoumi
THE LEAST READ, BUT MOST IMPORTANT NEWS
Al-Nahar, Lebanon, November 17
As columnists, we often find ourselves writing about what we think our readers are interested in reading, and not necessarily about what we think is important.
However, today I’ve decided to do the opposite and update my readers on what I think is hugely important for their lives: climate change, terrorism and modern technology.
Taken at face value, these three issues seem unrelated. But the truth is that the three are directly connected.
You see, the issue of earth’s changing climate is related not merely to an increase in global temperatures or even to the disappearance of certain cities; it also has to do with the rise in bloody conflicts, revolutions and migration waves. The depletion of water resources and the rise in the price of food and basic commodities is directly correlated with conflict.
For example, the current conflict in Sudan is a conflict over farmlands and access to agricultural resources. In neighboring Ethiopia, the conflict between local ethnic groups emerged due to scarce resources and water rights. And even in Syria, climate change pushed people to migrate from the countryside and into the cities.
Even the 2015 European refugee crisis – the crisis which, perhaps, threatened the European Union more than any other crisis it had ever faced – could be attributed in part to climate change. Migration from South America to North America has also been exacerbated by climate change and the depletion of resources available to people, leading to political turmoil at the country of origin and to growing anti-immigration sentiment at the destination country.
And, as we know, immigration always carries an inherent risk of terrorism, since terrorists abuse political turmoil to spread their presence and establish new cells.
The third factor is the tremendous development in technology, which is on the one hand beneficial to mankind, and at the same time harmful.
Today, information (correct and incorrect) is no longer restricted to a small group of people, but has become available to all people, and technology and the attempt to discover drugs have developed to release the worst that the human mind can produce, harmful to the masses of people. As for spreading ideas and subversive sayings, they roam the world in minutes, if not in seconds.
Furthermore, the technology used to discover cures to the worst diseases is the same technology that can be used to threaten mankind with novel biological weapons.
Finally, cyberwarfare has become a growing threat on both developed and developing nations, with non-state actors taking down banks, voting stations and critical infrastructure, such as power lines, with the simple click of a button.
Problems like climate change, terrorism and the regulation of technology are not issues that can be solved by the United States, the EU or China alone. Rather, the entire world has to come together and collaborate.
At the recent UN Climate Change Conference (COP26), China and the United States were able to overcome their differences and cooperate because both countries have a common interest to fight global warming.
Just as the two superpowers could work together in the field of climate change, they can also find ways to work together to fight international terrorism and regulate technology. – Mohammed Al Rumaihi
三個國家、兩個國籍和一條藍線
無論如何,蓋傑爾的居民是擁有以色列護照和完全權利的以色列公民;除了母語阿拉伯語外,他們的希伯來語講得非常好。
作者:LEOR BARELI
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 17:22
北蓋扎爾,在黎巴嫩境內,左邊是邊界圍欄,右邊是黎巴嫩村莊瓦扎尼,中間有一條黎巴嫩軍用公路。
(照片來源:Leor Bareli)
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在戈蘭高地的北端,有一個叫蓋傑爾的村莊。三件事使 Ghajar 成為一個非常有趣的地方:
它在地理上一半在黎巴嫩,一半在以色列。
它是以色列唯一的阿拉維派村莊。
它的居民都認同敘利亞。
當地居民兼導遊侯賽因說,蓋傑爾入口處的軍事路障是一項國家安全預防措施,因為該村莊的敏感地位和與黎巴嫩的邊界。以色列公民/非蓋傑爾居民不得在沒有事先得到明確的軍事協調和居民的正式邀請的情況下進入。
藍線沿途的蓋傑爾主要道路。根據國際社會的說法,道路右側的領土被視為黎巴嫩的一部分,左側的領土被視為以色列的一部分(圖片來源:BEN RATHAUSER)
無論如何,蓋傑爾的居民是擁有以色列護照和完全權利的以色列公民;除了母語阿拉伯語外,他們的希伯來語講得非常好。
侯賽因說,在奧斯曼帝國統治黎凡特期間,蓋傑爾的合法領土被定義和記錄,其中包括村莊入口處的另外 11,500 德南土地。“雖然領土之間沒有真正的圍欄,但我們總是知道邊界在哪裡,”他說。
敘利亞、黎巴嫩和巴勒斯坦的分界線(雖然看不見,但地圖上有地理事實)最初是由英國和法國列強在第一次世界大戰結束時繪製的。 由於 1967 年的六日戰爭,以色列贏得了控制權在戈蘭高地的敘利亞領土上空;有了它,蓋傑爾。
蓋傑爾居民指責歐洲列強不小心在他們之間劃分了阿拉伯地圖,錯誤地預見了他們的行為將導致的政治問題。侯賽因說,在 1967 年之前,蓋傑爾居民持有敘利亞公民身份。那麼黎巴嫩是如何介入這個小村莊的呢?
雖然完全歸咎於英國和法國會簡單得多,但歷史一如既往,是一堆莫名其妙的賬目和動蕩的事件。
兩千年前,在中東任何現代國家或共和國宣布和建立之前,黎凡特由以色列聯合王國組成,該王國在公元前 9 世紀中葉解體為以色列和猶大這兩個相互競爭的君主制國家;現代黎巴嫩的腓尼基國家和沿海貿易商;現代敘利亞的亞蘭-大馬士革和亞述的非統一王國;以及現在約旦境內的摩押和亞捫君主國。
黎凡特將在一系列敵意收購、叛亂和競爭勢力中螺旋上升,成為在任何現代國家建立前幾個世紀席捲中東的世界各大帝國的棋盤上的參與者。
在美索不達米亞,首先是亞述帝國;然後是巴比倫人的崛起;以居魯士大帝為首的波斯第一帝國;馬其頓帝國的亞歷山大大帝;希臘塞琉古帝國和托勒密王國;拜占庭羅馬帝國。隨著伊斯蘭教的興起,該地區隨後成為爭奪權力的統治穆斯林王朝與試圖重新奪回領土的拜占庭人之間的衝突區。然後是十字軍;蒙古人;埃及馬穆魯克人;1516年的奧斯曼帝國;歐洲授權和殖民化;最後,獨立。
在該地區的塞琉古統治下,Coele-Syria 一詞,即“敘利亞的全部”,被用來描述該國在底格里斯河和地中海之間的地區,指的是敘利亞和腓尼基東部(黎巴嫩),有效地將兩者歸為一類. 此後,在公元 70 年猶太王國和第二聖殿被正式摧毀後,朱迪亞被羅馬人改名為敘利亞巴勒斯坦。
之後征服黎凡特的穆斯林軍隊向 Coele-Syria 和敘利亞 Palaestina 的當前居民(佔人口多數的異教希臘-敘利亞和敘利亞基督教社區)引入了一種新宗教,並將領土劃分為四個區:大馬士革、霍姆斯、巴勒斯坦和約旦。
阿拉維派信仰的人民在 12 世紀在敘利亞地區建立起來。他們的信仰體系直到今天仍被保密,儘管眾所周知他們堅持伊斯蘭先知穆罕默德的堂兄阿里的教義,並且通常被稱為什葉派伊斯蘭教的一個教派,儘管他們從1000多年前的什葉派。在奧斯曼帝國統治下,他們雖然在阿勒頗和拉塔基亞占主導地位,但仍是受到虐待和迫害的少數群體。
400 多年來,奧斯曼土耳其人控制著中東以及世界的大部分地區。奧斯曼帝國最後時期的大敘利亞包括現代敘利亞、黎巴嫩、以色列、約旦、巴勒斯坦、塞浦路斯、阿拉伯北部以及土耳其和伊拉克的部分地區。直到今天,一些阿拉伯消息來源認為這些是伊斯蘭敘利亞 Bilad al-Shaam 的一部分,指的是黎凡特的土地,被稱為大敘利亞,讓人想起希臘的 Coele-Syria。
最終,關鍵地區開始宣布獨立——1830 年的希臘,1878 年的羅馬尼亞、塞爾維亞和保加利亞——直到第一次世界大戰結束帝國解體。其領土被分割,法國在敘利亞和黎巴嫩獲得強制權力,而英國則佔領控制外約旦、美索不達米亞和巴勒斯坦的領土。
法國將其任務劃分為大黎巴嫩的兩個不同政治實體,然後將敘利亞分解為幾個州和省。許多敘利亞人實際上反對這一點,因為他們將黎巴嫩視為幾個世紀以來大敘利亞的重要組成部分。
這兩個新國家之間的關係經常很緊張,除了在地圖上繪製卡通般的草圖外,從未正式規定過精確的邊界。Ghajar 就在敘利亞和黎巴嫩之間那條不精確、難以辨認的邊界上的某個地方。
侯賽因說,幾個世紀以來,蓋傑爾的居民主要是阿拉維派。在法國統治期間,阿拉維少數民族成為敘利亞武裝部隊的重要組成部分,最終導致今天敘利亞的政治主導地位。
二戰後,以及在法國向軸心國投降後英國進一步介入黎凡特地區之後,黎凡特北部領土獲得了獨立:黎巴嫩於 1943 年和敘利亞於 1946 年獲得獨立,僅在建國前幾年1948年以色列。
Hussein 說,1956 年,Ghajar 開始在村莊的北部擴張和建設。在強制地圖上,這與黎巴嫩領土重疊;在敘利亞的控制下,沒有問題。
快進到 1967 年,由於六日戰爭,以色列從敘利亞手中奪得了對戈蘭高地的控制權。在兩個半月的時間裡,蓋傑爾一直是無人區,直到阿拉維派村民請願成為以色列的一部分,而不是黎巴嫩,因為他們自己是敘利亞人。侯賽因解釋說,共有 678 人決定留下來,蓋傑爾在以色列的統治下被接受。
第一次黎巴嫩戰爭後,當以色列開始撤退並歸還被佔領的黎巴嫩南部土地時,北蓋傑爾突然被黎巴嫩佔領。侯賽因將這種差異歸咎於需要繼續保持以色列和黎巴嫩之間的衝突,主要是真主黨。
將一個村莊一分為二的不人道性質導致聯合國技術性地將 Ghajar 北部與黎巴嫩聯繫起來,而整個村莊仍將處於以色列的控制之下。
起初,幾乎任何人,包括教師和醫生,都很難獲得進入村莊的許可。真主黨脫離該地區後,入口變得更加寬鬆。
侯賽因說,蓋傑爾居民為自己是以色列公民而自豪,儘管他們強烈認同自己的敘利亞血統。國家尊重他們、他們的信仰和他們的自由。他們選擇不在以色列軍隊服役。今天,侯賽因自豪地說,蓋傑爾有超過三四百名學者。
那麼今天什麼屬於敘利亞、黎巴嫩、巴勒斯坦或以色列?這些是現代術語和地區的用法,經過數千年的歷史發展,在這些地區,國家不是國家,帝國為了自己的利益而統治了太多的土地,領土之間的界限被模糊、改變、重新排列和重新命名強大力量的異想天開,在歷史上留下了當前知識的空白和權力真空。
一個例子是 ISIS,或阿拉伯語中的 Daish,是“伊拉克和沙姆伊斯蘭國”的首字母縮寫詞。雖然“Shaam”指的是敘利亞,但它指的是伊斯蘭敘利亞的 Bilad al-Shaam,這是七世紀被穆斯林征服的黎凡特歷史悠久的大省。
正如德國在歷史上一直是一個鬆散的流動政體,1871 年,講日耳曼語的民族合併為一個德意志帝國,黎凡特的講阿拉伯語的民族也是如此。在試圖理解今天分隔蓋傑爾的藍線的複雜性時,忽視兩千年的歷史是幼稚和愚蠢的。
作者是一位關於中東歷史和宗教的獨立博主。她在紐約出生和長大,然後於 2011 年成為阿利亞作為一名孤獨的士兵。
https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/three-countries-two-citizenships-and-a-blue-line-687150
Three countries, two citizenships and a Blue Line
Against all odds, residents of Ghajar are Israeli citizens with Israeli passports and full rights; they speak Hebrew excellently, in addition to their mother tongue Arabic.
By LEOR BARELI
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 17:22
NORTH GHAJAR, in Lebanese territory, on the left, surrounded by a border fence, and the Lebanese village Wazzani to the right, with a Lebanese military road between them.
(photo credit: Leor Bareli)
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At the northern cusp of the Golan Heights, there is a village called Ghajar. Three things make Ghajar a significantly interesting place:
It is geographically half in Lebanon, half in Israel.
It is the only Alawite village in Israel.
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Its residents all identify with Syria.
The military roadblock at Ghajar’s entrance, said local resident and tour guide Hussein, is a national security precaution due to the village’s sensitive status and border with Lebanon. No Israeli citizen/non-Ghajar resident may enter without receiving explicit military coordination and an official invitation from a resident in advance.
The main road in Ghajar that the Blue Line runs along. According to the international community, the territory to the right of the road is considered as part of Lebanon, and to the left as part of Israel (credit: BEN RATHAUSER)
Against all odds, residents of Ghajar are Israeli citizens with Israeli passports and full rights; they speak Hebrew excellently, in addition to their mother tongue Arabic.
The legitimate territory of Ghajar was defined and recorded during Ottoman rule in the Levant which, said Hussein, includes another 11,500 dunam of land at the village entrance. “Although there was no actual fence dividing between territories, we always knew where the borders were,” he said.
The lines dividing Syria, Lebanon and Palestine (albeit invisible lines, but geographical facts on the map) were initially drawn by the British and French powers at the end of World War I. As a result of the 1967 Six Day War, Israel won control over the Syrian territory of the Golan Heights; with it, Ghajar.
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The Ghajar residents blame the European powers for carelessly dividing the Arab map between them, improperly foreseeing political problems that would come as a result of their actions. Hussein says that prior to 1967, Ghajar residents held Syrian citizenship. So how did Lebanon get involved in this small village?
While it would be much simpler to wholly blame Britain and France, history, as always, is an inexplicable mess of accounts and tumultuous events.
Two millennia ago, before the declaration and establishment of any of the modern countries or republics in the Middle East, the Levant consisted of the United Israelite Kingdom that disintegrated into the competing monarchies of Israel and Judah in mid 9th-century BCE; Phoenician states and coastal traders in modern Lebanon; non-unified kingdoms of Aram-Damascus and Assyria in modern Syria; and the Moab and Ammon monarchies in what is now Jordan.
The Levant would spiral in a series of hostile takeovers, rebellions and competing powers, becoming players on a chessboard of the great empires of the world that came steamrolling through the Middle East, centuries before any of the modern countries were established.
In Mesopotamia, first came the Assyrian Empire; then the rise of the Babylonians; the First Persian Empire headed by Cyrus the Great; Alexander the Great of the Macedonian Empire; the Greek Seleucid Empire and Ptolemaic Kingdom; the Byzantine Roman Empire. With the rise of Islam, the region then became a conflict zone between reigning Muslim dynasties vying for power and Byzantines attempting to recapture their territory; then the Crusaders; the Mongols; the Egyptian Mamluks; the Ottoman Empire in 1516; European mandates and colonization; and finally, independence.
Under Seleucid rule of the region, the term Coele-Syria, “all of Syria,” was used to describe the area of the country between the Tigris and the Mediterranean, referring to Syria and east Phoenicia (Lebanon), effectively grouping the two together. Thereafter, Judea was renamed Syria Palaestina by the Romans after the official destruction of the Jewish Kingdom and Second Temple in the year 70 CE.
The Muslim forces that conquered the Levant in the aftermath introduced a new religion to the current inhabitants of Coele-Syria and Syria Palaestina, a demographic majority of pagan Greco-Syriac and Syriac Christian communities, and divide the territory into four districts: Damascus, Homs, Palestine and Jordan.
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The people of the Alawite faith became well established in the Syriac region in the 12th century. Their belief system is kept as a protected secret until today, although it is known that they adhere to the teachings of Ali, the cousin of the Islamic prophet Mohamed, and are often referred to as a sect of Shia Islam, although they branched off from Shi’ites more than 1,000 years ago. Under the Ottoman Empire, they were a mistreated and persecuted minority, although predominant in Aleppo and Latakia.
For over 400 years, the Ottoman Turks controlled the Middle East, along with a great portion of the world. Greater Syria in the final period of Ottoman rule includes modern Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Jordan, Palestine, Cyprus, northern Arabia and parts of Turkey and Iraq. Until today, some Arab sources consider these as part of Bilad al-Shaam, Islamic Syria, referring to the lands of the Levant, known as Greater Syria and reminiscent of the Greek Coele-Syria.
Eventually, key regions began to declare independence – Greece in 1830, Romania, Serbia and Bulgaria in 1878 – until the empire disintegrates at the end of World War I. Its territories are partitioned, and France wins mandatory powers in Syria and Lebanon while Britain takes control of the territories in Transjordan, Mesopotamia and Palestine.
France splits its mandate into two different political entities of Greater Lebanon and then broke Syria down into several states and provinces. Many Syrians actually opposed this as they saw Lebanon as an important part of Greater Syria for centuries.
Relations between the two new states were often tense, and a precise border was never officially mandated besides for cartoon-like sketches on maps. Ghajar was somewhere along that imprecise, indecipherable border between Syria and Lebanon.
Hussein says that for centuries, Ghajar had been inhabited predominantly by Alawites. During French rule, the Alawi minority became a significant part of the Syrian Armed Forces, which would eventually lead to political dominance in Syria today.
After World War II, and after the further involvement of Britain in the Levant region after the French surrender to Axis Powers, the northern Levantine territories gained their independence: Lebanon in 1943 and Syria in 1946, only a few years before the founding of the State of Israel in 1948.
In 1956, said Hussein, Ghajar began expanding and building into the northern part of the village. On the Mandatory map, this overlaps into Lebanese territory; under Syrian control, there was no issue.
Fast forward to 1967, where Israel wins control over the Golan Heights from Syria as a result of the Six Day War. Ghajar remains no man’s land for two and a half months until the Alawite villagers petition to be a part of Israel, and not Lebanon, as they themselves are Syrian. Hussein explained that a total of 678 individuals made the decision to stay and Ghajar is accepted under Israeli rule.
After the First Lebanon War, when Israel began to withdraw and return south Lebanon land that was captured, north Ghajar was suddenly claimed by Lebanon. Hussein blamed this disparity on the need to keep up the conflict between Israel and Lebanon, primarily Hezbollah.
The inhumane nature of dividing a village into two led to a UN technicality associating northern Ghajar to Lebanon while the entirety of the village would remain under Israeli control.
At first, it was difficult for nearly anyone, including teachers and doctors, to obtain permission to enter the village. After Hezbollah seceded from the area, entrance became more lenient.
Hussein says the Ghajar residents are proud to be Israeli citizens although they identify strongly with their Syrian roots. The country respects them, their beliefs and their freedom. They choose not to serve in the Israeli army. Today, Hussein says proudly, there are more than three to four hundred academics in Ghajar.
So what belongs to Syria, or Lebanon, or Palestine, or Israel today? These are modern terminologies and usages of regions that are still being developed after millennia-long histories where states were not states and empires ruled over way too much land for their own good, and the lines between territories were blurred, changed, rearranged and renamed at the whims of the stronger forces, leaving gaps in current knowledge and power vacuums throughout history.
An example is ISIS, or Daish in Arabic, an acronym for “the Islamic state of Iraq and the Shaam.” While “Shaam” refers to Syria, this is in reference to Bilad al-Shaam, Islamic Syria, the historical massive province of the Levant conquered by Muslims in the seventh century.
Just as Germany has historically been a loose fluid polity of Germanic-speaking peoples that were brought together into one German Empire in 1871, so were the Arab-speaking peoples of the Levant. It would be naive and foolish to disregard two millennia of history when trying to understand the intricacies of the Blue Line dividing Ghajar today.
The writer is an independent blogger on Middle Eastern history and religion. She was born and raised in New York before making aliyah as a lone soldier in 2011.
冷郵報以色列新聞以色列政治
Omicron 給 Bennett 帶來了嚴重的政治問題——分析
現在,令人擔憂的 Omicron 新變種似乎正在傳播,它可能會繞過 COVID 疫苗提供的一些保護,貝內特再次面臨艱難的選擇。
作者:傑瑞米·沙龍
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 21:07
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 27 日 21:59
總理納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 在以色列議會全體會議上坐在政府桌前的座位上回頭看。
(照片來源:OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90)
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早在 7 月,隨著COVID-19的Delta 變體開始在以色列迅速傳播,新成立的反對派仍然因其被逐出權力而受到傷害,無情地嘲笑新政府對新變體的處理及其所謂的無能。
反對黨領袖本傑明·內塔尼亞胡(Benjamin Netanyahu)諷刺地想知道,納夫塔利·貝內特(Naftali Bennett)是如何在他剛剛成為新總理後不久在該國發生騷亂後“在如此短的時間內成功摧毀如此多的東西”的。
而聯合托拉猶太教領袖 MK Moshe Gafni 毫不自負地斷言,新的冠狀病毒變種的傳播是由於貝內特和他的新政府因其宗教和國家政策而缺乏“神恩”。 .
貝內特政府最終控制了三角洲浪潮,但在高峰時期,它給新總理帶來了真正的政治問題,因為與被視為內塔尼亞胡成功控制大流行的做法相比,貝內特嚴重受損並損害了他的合法性。
現在,令人擔憂的 Omicron 新變種——可能會繞過 COVID 疫苗提供的一些保護——似乎正在傳播,貝內特再次面臨艱難的選擇和嚴重的政治頭痛。
納夫塔利·貝內特總理在內閣會議上,2021 年 11 月 21 日。(圖片來源:MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)
當然,早在 7 月份,當內塔尼亞胡和加夫尼因他處理三角洲浪潮而責備他時,他們就完全意識到三角洲變種已經在幾個月前進入以色列,回到 4 月份,當時內塔尼亞胡仍然是總理,而加夫尼是他的政府的主要成員。
但他們使用了這種策略,因為政府未能充分管理大流行及其不斷變化、不斷變化的形式可能是一種強大而強大的政治武器,可以用作俱樂部來猛擊執政政府。
事實上,貝內特本人在內塔尼亞胡 - 甘茨政府期間坐在反對派中時經常使用這種武器,在民意調查中飆升,因為他對該聯盟的持續批評,出版了他撰寫的關於如何管理大流行和他的組建的書一個“平民”冠狀病毒內閣。
經過最初的掙扎,貝內特和他的政府最終站穩了腳跟。批准了針對弱勢以色列人以及其他大部分人口的加強注射;並且能夠在不實施封鎖和損害經濟的情況下成功走出第四波,同時還避免了重大的健康危機。
但現在總理和他的政府面臨著類似的困境。
他們是否應該關閉艙門,關閉機場,將該國置於封鎖狀態,並採取其他類似的方法來嘗試將 Omicron 置於以色列之外,以避免感染人數激增,並找到應對之策有了這個新變種?
嘗試這種策略可能會贏得時間並有助於抑制 Omicron 的傳播,這將避免該國的醫院不堪重負,並確保衛生服務能夠控制疫情,從而避免大規模死亡。
然而,與此同時,如果政府不得不為大量休假的工人買單,這將打擊經濟、破壞企業並再次大幅增加預算赤字。
貝內特可能會因為保持國家健康而贏得認可和政治點數,但會因破壞人們的生計並使大部分人口陷入貧困而受到譴責。
另一方面,如果政府採取另一種方式,儘管存在公共衛生風險,但仍保持國家基本開放,經濟將受到的影響較小,但隨後將面臨疾病死亡率急劇上升的風險,可以作為一個政治俱樂部來削弱他脆弱的聯盟。
早在 10 月,內塔尼亞胡就指責貝內特對自貝內特上任以來死亡的 1,392 名 COVID 受害者的死亡負有直接責任。
如果 Omicron 的變體導致以色列人死亡和垂死的圖像使全國各地的醫院病房和太平間超載,這位前總理不太可能饒恕貝內特的憤怒。
當然,也可以在開放和關閉的兩個極端之間採取溫和的策略,但這也使政府容易受到政治批評,認為政府優柔寡斷和軟弱,同時使國家暴露在兩個極端的禍害之下。健康危機和經濟損失。
如果新的 COVID 變種像科學家和健康專家警告的那樣令人擔憂,那麼貝內特和他的政府不僅會面臨危險的健康危機,還會面臨嚴重的政治風暴——這可能會再次削弱他的公眾地位和政治地位。穩定。
Omicron poses severe political problem for Bennett - analysis
Now that the worrying new Omicron variant, which may potentially bypass some of the protections provided by COVID vaccines, appears to be spreading, Bennett again faces difficult options.
By JEREMY SHARON
Published: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 21:07
Updated: NOVEMBER 27, 2021 21:59
PRIME MINISTER Naftali Bennett looking over his shoulder from his seat at the head of the government table in the Knesset plenum.
(photo credit: OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90)
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As the Delta variant of COVID-19 began to spread rapidly in Israel back in July, the freshly minted opposition, still hurting from its ejection from power, mercilessly taunted the new government over its handling of the new variant and its supposed ineptitude.
Opposition leader Benjamin Netanyahu wondered mockingly how Naftali Bennett had “succeeded in destroying so much in such a short time” after Delta ran riot in the country shortly after he had just become the new prime minister.
And United Torah Judaism leader MK Moshe Gafni asserted, with no little conceit, that the spread of the new coronavirus variant was due to the fact that Bennett and his new government suffered from a lack of “divine favor” due to its religion and state policies.
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Bennett’s government eventually got a handle on the Delta wave, but at its height it posed real political problems for the new prime minister as comparisons with what was seen as Netanyahu’s successful management of the pandemic damaged Bennett badly and harmed his legitimacy.
Now that the worrying new Omicron variant – which may potentially bypass some of the protection provided by COVID vaccines – appears to be spreading, Bennett again faces difficult options and a severe political headache.
Prime Minister Naftali Bennett at the cabinet meeting, November 21, 2021. (credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)
Of course, back in July when Netanyahu and Gafni were excoriating him for his handling of the Delta wave, they were fully aware themselves that the Delta variant had entered Israel months earlier, back in April, when Netanyahu was still prime minister and Gafni was a key member of his government.
But they utilized this tactic, because the failure of a government to adequately manage the pandemic and its ever-changing, ever-mutating forms can be a potent and formidable political weapon that can be used as a club to bludgeon away at the ruling government.
INDEED, Bennett himself made frequent use of this weapon while sitting in the opposition during the Netanyahu–Gantz government, soaring in the polls for his ongoing criticism of that coalition, the publication of a book he authored on how to manage the pandemic and his formation of a “civilian” coronavirus cabinet.
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After initially floundering, Bennett and his government eventually found their feet; approved a booster shot for vulnerable Israelis and then for most of the rest of the population; and were able to successfully navigate out of the fourth wave without imposing lockdowns and harming the economy, while also avoiding a major health crisis.
But now similar dilemmas face the prime minister and his government.
Should they batten down the hatches, close the airport, put the country into a lockdown and adopt other similar methods to try keeping Omicron out of Israel for as long as it takes to avoid a massive spike in infections – and to find a way to cope with this new variant?
Attempting such a strategy would likely buy time and help suppress the spread of Omicron, which would avoid overwhelming the country’s hospitals as well as ensuring that the health services could manage the outbreak, thereby avoiding mass fatalities.
At the same time, however, it would hammer the economy, devastate businesses and dramatically increase the budget deficit once again if the government had to pay for large numbers of furloughed workers.
Bennett might win approval and political points for keeping the country healthy, but would get denounced for wrecking people’s livelihoods and plunging large parts of the population into poverty.
If, on the other hand, the government takes the alternative route, keeping the country largely open despite the public health risks, the economy would suffer less but it would then run the risk of a dramatic increase in the mortality rate from the disease, which could be used no less as a political club to weaken his fragile coalition.
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Back in October, Netanyahu accused Bennett of direct responsibility for the deaths of the 1,392 COVID victims who died since the latter took office.
The former prime minister is unlikely to spare Bennett his wrath if the Omicron variant results in images of dead and dying Israelis overloading hospital wards and mortuaries around the country.
Of course a moderate strategy between the two extremes of opening and closing may also be taken, but that too, opens up the government to political criticism that it is indecisive and weak, while at the same time exposing the country to the scourge of both a health crisis and economic damage.
If the new COVID variant turns out to be as concerning as scientists and health experts are warning, then Bennett and his government can expect to face not only a dangerous health crisis but a severe political storm – that could once again undermine his public standing and political stability.
認識大峽谷和亞利桑那州農村的猶太人
農村地區的猶太人生活與城市地區的生活截然不同。
作者:SHIRA HANAU/JTA
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 26 日 02:35
亞利桑那州大峽谷
(圖片來源:INGIMAGE / ASAP)
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Stan Coffield 和他的妻子在決定在哪裡退休時非常開放。
“我想要一個[比紐約]生活成本更低的地方——溫暖、乾燥、靠近我可以滑水的水域,並且有某種猶太人的存在,”科菲爾德說。
2010 年,他們搬進了位於鳳凰城西北約 200 英里的哈瓦蘇湖市的房子。儘管猶太教堂很小,但從那以後他就沒有回頭。
“當我和我的妻子第一次搬出這裡時,你會轉過一個街角,真的很想把車停在路邊盯著看;它看起來像一張圖片明信片,”他說。“你走三個街區,這是另一張圖片明信片。”
根據美國人口普查局的數據,他和他的妻子是哈瓦蘇湖近 60,000 名居民中的兩個,也是該地區唯一的猶太教堂Temple Beth Sholom的大約 30 名成員中的一部分。
亞利桑那州公路歡迎標誌(來源:WIKIMEDIA COMMONS/WING-CHI POON)
“鑑於我們是整個莫哈維縣內唯一的會眾和猶太教堂,我們擁有完整的 [成員],”他說。“我們在哈瓦蘇有一些人,上帝保佑他們,他們設法成為東正教並保持猶太潔食,一直到改革的邊緣。”
農村地區的猶太人生活與城市地區的生活截然不同——而且往往需要極大的奉獻精神。在某些地方,這意味著會眾必須學習如何領導服務,因為他們只能定期帶拉比進來。對於一些人來說,這意味著從偏遠地區開車幾個小時去另一個小鎮的小猶太教堂。幾乎在每個社區,農村猶太人的生活都是這樣的,你的猶太教堂就像一個家庭,無論好壞,就像任何家庭一樣,你只能得到一個。
科菲爾德擔任會眾會長已有大約六年時間,他竭盡全力提供定期服務和托拉研究,並發展會眾。一名拉比大約每月一次從洛杉磯前往哈瓦蘇湖,在周五舉行安息日服務,週六進行托拉研究。會眾試圖將他的旅行與猶太節日相協調。
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猶太教堂努力提前三個月發佈時間表,以確保成員(其中一些人開車近兩個小時到達那裡)有充足的時間進行計劃。
“我們有來自勞克林、布爾黑德市、布萊斯、加利福尼亞、針的會眾——我的意思是,我們就是這樣,”科菲爾德說。
作為數英里內唯一的猶太機構,科菲爾德可能成為人們呼籲參加臨終事宜的人。科菲爾德說,哈瓦蘇湖“幾乎完全是退休人員和服務人員”。根據美國人口普查局的數據,該市的平均年齡為 54.2 歲。
作為會眾的會長,他從那些他從未在猶太教堂見過但突然需要精神支持的人那裡接到“悲傷的電話”。科菲爾德盡力滿足這些要求,“但從這麼多不同的角度來看,這很難。”
位於鳳凰城西南約 200 英里的尤馬也有一個小而敬業的猶太社區。該市唯一的猶太教堂擁有近 10 萬人口,約有 20 個家庭單位。
“這些人的範圍從單身人士到夫妻,再到有孩子的人,”貝絲·哈米德巴會會長萊昂尼根說。猶太教堂,其名字的意思是“沙漠之家”,在一個從教堂租來的空間里相遇。
她說:“我不確定那些將猶太宗教視為他們生活中最重要部分的人會搬到一個猶太機構很少的地方。” “我們不知道有多少,但這裡有不屬於會眾的猶太人,他們根本就沒有宗教信仰。”
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在過去的七年裡,一位拉比從加利福尼亞的奧蘭治縣開車到尤馬,領導高假期服務。“其餘時間,他給我們上了一堂由非專業人士主導的服務的課程,所以我們輪流領導安息日服務,並彙集我們的知識,”尼根說。
一年中的大部分時間,會員每月舉行兩次聚會——在夏季,人數減半。一些會眾還在每週一次的妥拉學習小組中聚會。
Neegan 在鳳凰城出生和長大,但在 1975 年從亞利桑那大學畢業後搬到尤馬,當時一位朋友告訴她當地圖書館的一份工作已經開放。當時,她沒想到自己會在尤馬久留。“我無法想像有人住在這裡。對我來說,這只是一個非常小的、塵土飛揚的小鎮,”她說。
幾個月來,她以為自己是鎮上唯一的猶太人。但有一天,她在當地報紙上看到了一篇關於高假期服務的文章。“我去參加了禮拜,發現這裡有一個小的猶太社區,人們非常熱情,”她說。
當時,該會眾不隸屬於任何猶太教分支,因為參加的人具有各種猶太背景和戒律。最終它隸屬於改革猶太教聯盟。
尼根從沒想過會像她一樣參與到她的會眾中。
“如果我留在鳳凰城或圖森,或者其他一些人口較多的大城市,我可能不會像最終那樣參與宗教或會眾,”她說。
她說,尼根的會眾成員已經成為“一個龐大的大家庭”。“這就像和人在一個島上。如果你生氣了,就沒有另一個猶太教堂可以去。你必須以某種方式解決它。”
弗拉格斯塔夫 Lev Shalom 公會名譽拉比尼娜·珀爾穆特 (Nina Perlmutter) 說,她經常發現,猶太人離已建立的猶太社區越遠,他們就越致力於建設猶太社區。
她說,許多住在大峽谷(Perlmutter 經常主持生命週期活動的地方)或亞利桑那州其他農村地區的猶太人因風景之美而搬家。對於他們中的大多數人來說,猶太人的生活不一定是優先事項,也不容易得到該地區猶太人基礎設施的支持。
“但後來他們經常發現他們懷念與猶太人的關係,”她說。“我認識一些經常通勤到弗拉格斯塔夫的人,比如大峽谷的人。這並不容易。你必須真的很想做。”
本文的一個版本最初出現在大鳳凰城的猶太新聞中,經許可再版。
Meet the Jews of the Grand Canyon and rural Arizona
Jewish life takes a different shape in rural areas than it does in the city.
By SHIRA HANAU/JTA
Published: NOVEMBER 26, 2021 02:35
Grand Canyon, Arizona
(photo credit: INGIMAGE / ASAP)
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Stan Coffield and his wife were pretty open-minded when deciding where they would retire.
“I wanted someplace that was lower cost of living [than New York] — warm, dry, near a body of water that I could water-ski on, and had some manner of Jewish presence,” Coffield said.
In 2010, they moved into their house in Lake Havasu City, about 200 miles northwest of Phoenix. Even though the synagogue is small, he hasn’t looked back since.
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“When my wife and I first moved out here, you would turn a street corner and really be tempted to just pull over to the side of the road and stare; it looks like a picture postcard,” he said. “And you go three blocks, and it’s another picture postcard.”
He and his wife are two of Lake Havasu’s nearly 60,000 residents, according to the US Census Bureau, and part of the roughly 30 members of the area’s only
synagogue
, Temple Beth Sholom.
Arizona State Highway welcome sign (credit: WIKIMEDIA COMMONS/WING-CHI POON)
“Given that we’re the only congregation and synagogue within all of Mohave County, we have the full gamut [of members],” he said. “We’ve got people in Havasu, God bless them, who manage to be Orthodox and keep kosher, all the way out to the fringes of Reform.”
Jewish life takes a different shape in rural areas than it does in the city — and often requires great dedication. In some places, that means the congregants have to learn how to lead services since they can only afford to bring a rabbi in periodically. For some, that means driving hours from a remote area to attend a tiny synagogue in another small town. And in nearly every community, a rural Jewish life is one in which your synagogue is like a family for better or for worse, and like any family, you only get one.
Coffield has been president of the congregation for about six years and does his best to provide regular services and Torah study and to grow the congregation. A rabbi travels to Lake Havasu from Los Angeles about once a month to run a Shabbat service on Friday and a Torah study on Saturday. The congregation tries to coordinate his travel with Jewish holidays.
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The synagogue strives to have a schedule posted three months in advance to ensure members, some of whom drive nearly two hours to get there, have ample time to plan.
“We get congregants from Laughlin, Bullhead City, Blythe, California, Needles — I mean, we’re it,” Coffield said.
Being the only Jewish institution for miles can mean Coffield becomes the person people call on to attend end of life matters. Lake Havasu is “almost exclusively retirees and service personnel,” Coffield said. According to the US Census Bureau, the median age in the city is 54.2.
As president of the congregation, he gets “sorrowful phone calls” from people he’s never seen at the synagogue but who are suddenly in need spiritual support. Coffield does his best to accommodate those requests, “but it’s just hard from so many different perspectives.”
Yuma, about 200 miles Southwest of Phoenix, also has a small but dedicated Jewish community. With a population of nearly 100,000 people, the city’s only synagogue has about 20 family units.
“Those range from people that are single, to couples, to people who have kids,” said Leone Neegan, president of Congregation Beth Hamidbar. The synagogue, whose name means “house of the desert,” meets in a space rented from a church.
“I am not sure that anyone for whom their Jewish religion is the most important part of their life would move to a place with so few Jewish institutions,” she said. “We don’t know how many, but there are Jews here who don’t belong to the congregation, who just aren’t religious at all.”
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For the past seven years, a rabbi has driven from Orange County in California to Yuma to lead High Holiday services. “The rest of the time, he gave us a class in doing lay-led services, so we take turns leading Shabbat services, and we pool our knowledge,” Neegan said.
Members meet for services twice a month most of the year — in the summer, that’s halved. Some of the congregants also meet in a weekly Torah study group.
Neegan was born and raised in Phoenix but moved to Yuma in 1975 after graduating from the University of Arizona when a friend told her about a job at the local library that had opened up. At the time, she didn’t think she’d stay in Yuma long. “I couldn’t imagine anyone living here. It was just, to me, a very small, dusty town,” she said.
For a few months, she thought she was the only Jew in town. But one day, she saw an article in the local newspaper about High Holiday services. “I went to services, and found that there was a small Jewish community here, and the people were very welcoming,” she said.
At the time, the congregation wasn’t affiliated with any branch of Judaism, since the people who attended had a variety of Jewish backgrounds and observance. Eventually it affiliated with the Union for Reform Judaism.
Neegan never expected to become as involved in her congregation as she did.
“If I had remained in either Phoenix or Tucson, or some other large city with a larger population, I might not have become as involved with either the religion or the congregation as I ended up being,” she said.
Neegan’s fellow congregants have become “a giant, extended family,” she said. “It’s like being on an island with people. If you get angry, there isn’t another synagogue to go to. You have to work it out somehow.”
Rabbi Nina Perlmutter, rabbi emerita of Congregation Lev Shalom in Flagstaff, said she’s often found that the further a Jewish person lives from an established Jewish community, the more dedicated they are to building Jewish community.
Many Jews who live in the Grand Canyon, where Perlmutter often officiates at lifecycle events, or other rural areas of Arizona moved for the beauty of the landscape, she said. For most of them, Jewish life wasn’t necessarily a priority and isn’t easily supported by the Jewish infrastructure of the area.
“But then they often find that they miss having Jewish connections,” she said. “I know people who have commuted a long time, like the Grand Canyon folks, to Flagstaff. That’s not easy. You gotta really want to do it.”
A version of this article originally appeared in the Jewish News of Greater Phoenix and is republished with permission.
大多數美國人相信天堂——但對誰能去那裡有矛盾
根據 PEW 的一項新調查,半數美國福音派人士認為,猶太人和其他宗教的成員——即使他們相信上帝——也沒有資格在天堂獲得永生。
作者:瑪雅·賈夫·霍夫曼
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 23 日 20:28
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 24 日 18:15
美國福音派祈禱
(圖片來源:路透社)
廣告
一半的美國福音派人士說“我的宗教是導致在天堂永生的真正信仰”,其他宗教的成員——即使他們像猶太人一樣相信上帝——不包括在內。
這是根據皮尤研究中心對近 6,500 名美國成年人進行的一項新調查得出的結果。該調查於 9 月 20 日至 26 日在該中心的美國趨勢小組中進行。雖然它的重點是關於有信仰的人如何看待 COVID 危機造成的世界苦難,但該調查也詢問了人們對來世——天堂和地獄的看法。
調查發現,近四分之三 (73%) 的美國人相信天堂,但他們對誰能去天堂存在分歧。
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近三分之一 (31%) 的美國
基督徒
表示,他們的宗教是導致天堂永生的真正信仰,而 58% 的人表示有多種宗教可以帶來這種永恆的獎賞。
19% 的福音派人士說其他基督教教派的成員可以在天堂獲得永生,44% 的人說許多宗教可以讓你到達那裡。天主教徒更有可能 (71%) 相信這一點。
天堂與地獄(來源:NEEDPIX.COM)
大約三分之一 (32%) 的美國人還說不相信上帝的人不能進入天堂,而 39% 的人說他們可以。福音派新教徒尤其認為信仰上帝是進入天堂的先決條件,71%的人表示只有擁有它的人才能去。
共和黨和民主黨之間也存在分歧,44%的共和黨人表示他們相信天堂,不信神的人不能去那裡,而持相同觀點的民主黨人(21%)不到一半看法。
排他性通常隨著人們年齡的增長而增加,21% 的 18 至 29 歲的人、29% 的 30 至 49 歲的人和 41% 的 50 至 64 歲的人說只有相信在上帝可以去天堂。然而,在這之後,人們變得更具包容性:在 65 歲以上的美國成年人中,只有 35% 的人認為這種信仰是通往天堂的門票。
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62% 的美國成年人表示他們相信地獄。
那些對天堂和地獄都表示信仰的人被進一步調查,並要求描述這些地方的性質。超過三分之二 (69%) 的人說天堂沒有苦難,近三分之二 (65%) 的人說個人與他們之前死去的親人重聚,60% 的人說你可以在那裡遇見上帝,60%說天堂裡的人有“完全健康的身體”。
相比之下,超過一半的受訪者認為地獄是一個心理痛苦的地方 (53%),人們在那裡意識到他們在世界上創造的痛苦 (53%),以及個人經歷身體痛苦的地方 (51%)。
大約四分之一的美國成年人 (26%) 根本不相信天堂或地獄。
超過一半的美國人 (58%) 說他們相信聖經中描述的上帝。另有三分之一 (32%) 表示他們相信其他一些更高的力量。
皮尤說,這項調查是在所有宗教的美國人中進行的,但沒有從猶太人、穆斯林、佛教徒、印度教徒或摩門教徒中獲得足夠的受訪者來單獨報告他們的觀點。誤差幅度為 +/-1.9 個百分點。
對於這項調查試圖回答關於世界上為什麼有這麼多苦難的哲學問題,例如過去兩年有超過 500 萬人死於新冠病毒,大多數美國人並不責怪上帝,而是說壞事發生是隨機機會、人們自己的行為以及社會結構方式的結果,儘管有些人認為撒旦是世界上邪惡的根源。
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在 91% 相信上帝或其他更高權力的人中,皮尤詢問了有關上帝與人類苦難之間關係的其他問題。
80% 的受訪者表示苦難來自人而不是上帝,儘管超過一半 (56%) 相信上帝選擇“不停止世界上的苦難,因為這是更大計劃的一部分”。
此外,近一半 (48%) 相信上帝或更高權力的人說“撒旦應對世界上大部分的苦難負責”,這反映了他們“很好”或“有點好”的觀點。這種觀點在福音派中尤為強烈。
然而,大多數美國人將世界的苦難歸咎於人們和他們所生活的社會。
71% 的人說“痛苦主要是人們自己行為的結果。” 類似的 69% 的人說“苦難主要是社會結構方式的結果。” 另外,68% 的受訪者表示“生活中的一切都是有原因的”。61% 的人表示,苦難意味著“為人們提供一個變得更強大的機會”。
很少有美國人 (4%) 說“全部或大部分”苦難是上帝的懲罰。相反,近一半 (46%) 強調世界上的苦難都不是上帝的懲罰。
大多數美國人相信天堂——但對誰能去那裡有矛盾
根據 PEW 的一項新調查,半數美國福音派人士認為,猶太人和其他宗教的成員——即使他們相信上帝——也沒有資格在天堂獲得永生。
作者:瑪雅·賈夫·霍夫曼
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 23 日 20:28
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 24 日 18:15
美國福音派祈禱
(圖片來源:路透社)
廣告
一半的美國福音派人士說“我的宗教是導致在天堂永生的真正信仰”,其他宗教的成員——即使他們像猶太人一樣相信上帝——不包括在內。
這是根據皮尤研究中心對近 6,500 名美國成年人進行的一項新調查得出的結果。該調查於 9 月 20 日至 26 日在該中心的美國趨勢小組中進行。雖然它的重點是關於有信仰的人如何看待 COVID 危機造成的世界苦難,但該調查也詢問了人們對來世——天堂和地獄的看法。
調查發現,近四分之三 (73%) 的美國人相信天堂,但他們對誰能去天堂存在分歧。
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近三分之一 (31%) 的美國
基督
表示,他們的宗教是導致天堂永生的真正信仰,而 58% 的人表示有多種宗教可以帶來這種永恆的獎賞。
19% 的福音派人士說其他基督教教派的成員可以在天堂獲得永生,44% 的人說許多宗教可以讓你到達那裡。天主教徒更有可能 (71%) 相信這一點。
天堂與地獄(來源:NEEDPIX.COM)
大約三分之一 (32%) 的美國人還說不相信上帝的人不能進入天堂,而 39% 的人說他們可以。福音派新教徒尤其認為信仰上帝是進入天堂的先決條件,71%的人表示只有擁有它的人才能去。
共和黨和民主黨之間也存在分歧,44%的共和黨人表示他們相信天堂,不信神的人不能去那裡,而持相同觀點的民主黨人(21%)不到一半看法。
排他性通常隨著人們年齡的增長而增加,21% 的 18 至 29 歲的人、29% 的 30 至 49 歲的人和 41% 的 50 至 64 歲的人說只有相信在上帝可以去天堂。然而,在這之後,人們變得更具包容性:在 65 歲以上的美國成年人中,只有 35% 的人認為這種信仰是通往天堂的門票。
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62% 的美國成年人表示他們相信地獄。
那些對天堂和地獄都表示信仰的人被進一步調查,並要求描述這些地方的性質。超過三分之二 (69%) 的人說天堂沒有苦難,近三分之二 (65%) 的人說個人與他們之前死去的親人重聚,60% 的人說你可以在那裡遇見上帝,60%說天堂裡的人有“完全健康的身體”。
相比之下,超過一半的受訪者認為地獄是一個心理痛苦的地方 (53%),人們在那裡意識到他們在世界上創造的痛苦 (53%),以及個人經歷身體痛苦的地方 (51%)。
大約四分之一的美國成年人 (26%) 根本不相信天堂或地獄。
超過一半的美國人 (58%) 說他們相信聖經中描述的上帝。另有三分之一 (32%) 表示他們相信其他一些更高的力量。
皮尤說,這項調查是在所有宗教的美國人中進行的,但沒有從猶太人、穆斯林、佛教徒、印度教徒或摩門教徒中獲得足夠的受訪者來單獨報告他們的觀點。誤差幅度為 +/-1.9 個百分點。
對於這項調查試圖回答關於世界上為什麼有這麼多苦難的哲學問題,例如過去兩年有超過 500 萬人死於新冠病毒,大多數美國人並不責怪上帝,而是說壞事發生是隨機機會、人們自己的行為以及社會結構方式的結果,儘管有些人認為撒旦是世界上邪惡的根源。
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在 91% 相信上帝或其他更高權力的人中,皮尤詢問了有關上帝與人類苦難之間關係的其他問題。
80% 的受訪者表示苦難來自人而不是上帝,儘管超過一半 (56%) 相信上帝選擇“不停止世界上的苦難,因為這是更大計劃的一部分”。
此外,近一半 (48%) 相信上帝或更高權力的人說“撒旦應對世界上大部分的苦難負責”,這反映了他們“很好”或“有點好”的觀點。這種觀點在福音派中尤為強烈。
然而,大多數美國人將世界的苦難歸咎於人們和他們所生活的社會。
71% 的人說“痛苦主要是人們自己行為的結果。” 類似的 69% 的人說“苦難主要是社會結構方式的結果。” 另外,68% 的受訪者表示“生活中的一切都是有原因的”。61% 的人表示,苦難意味著“為人們提供一個變得更強大的機會”。
很少有美國人 (4%) 說“全部或大部分”苦難是上帝的懲罰。相反,近一半 (46%) 強調世界上的苦難都不是上帝的懲罰。
Most Americans believe in heaven – but are conflicted about who can go there
Half of American Evangelicals believe that Jews and members of other religions – even if they believe in God – are not eligible for eternal life in heaven, according to a new PEW survey.
By MAAYAN JAFFE-HOFFMAN
Published: NOVEMBER 23, 2021 20:28
Updated: NOVEMBER 24, 2021 18:15
American evangelicals pray
(photo credit: REUTERS)
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Half of American Evangelicals say that “my religion is the one true faith leading to eternal life in heaven,” and that members of other religions – even if they believe in God like Jews – are not included.
This is according to the results of a new Pew Research Center survey of nearly 6,500 US adults. The survey was taken between September 20 and 26 on the Center’s American Trends Panel. Although its focus was meant to be on how people of faith view the suffering in the world caused by the COVID crisis, the survey also asked questions about people’s views of the afterlife – heaven and hell.
The survey found that almost three-fourths of Americans (73%) believe in heaven, but they disagree about who can go there.
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Nearly a third (31%) of all American
Christians
say their religion is the one true faith leading to eternal life in heaven, compared with 58% who say that there are multiple religions that can lead to such eternal reward.
Nineteen percent of Evangelicals say that members of other Christian denominations can achieve eternal life in heaven, and 44% say that many religions can get you there. Catholics are much more likely (71%) to believe this.
Heaven and Hell (credit: NEEDPIX.COM)
About a third (32%) of Americans also say that people who do not believe in God cannot enter heaven, compared with 39% who say that they can. Evangelical Protestants especially feel that belief in God is a prerequisite for heaven, with 71% saying that only those who have it can go.
There are also divisions between Republicans and Democrats, with 44% of Republicans saying that they believe in heaven, and that people who do not believe in God cannot go there, compared with less than half as many Democrats (21%) who hold the same view.
Exclusivity generally increases as people age, with 21% of 18- to 29-year-olds, 29% of 30- to 49-year-olds, and 41% of 50- to 64-year-olds saying that only people who believe in God can go to heaven. Older than that, however, people become more inclusive: just 35% of American adults over the age of 65 think that such belief is the ticket to heaven.
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And 62% of US adults say they believe in hell.
Those who expressed belief in both heaven and hell were further surveyed and asked to describe the nature of these places. More than two-thirds (69%) say that heaven is free of suffering, almost two-thirds (65%) say individuals are reunited with their loved ones who previously died, 60% say that you can meet God there, and 60% say that individuals in heaven have “perfectly healthy bodies.”
In contrast, more than half of respondents think that hell is a place of psychological suffering (53%), where people become aware of the suffering they created in the world (53%), and where individuals experience physical suffering (51%).
Around a quarter of American adults (26%) do not believe in heaven or hell at all.
More than half of Americans (58%) say they believe in God as described in the Bible. Another third (32%) say they believe in some other higher power.
The survey was conducted among Americans of all religions, but it did not obtain enough respondents from Jews, Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus or Mormons to report separately on their views, Pew said. The margin of error was +/-1.9 percentage points.
Regarding the survey’s attempt to answer philosophical questions about why there is so much suffering in the world, such as the death of more than five million people from corona in the last two years, the majority of Americans do not blame God but say that bad things happen as a result of random chance, people’s own actions, and the way society is structured, though some believe that Satan is the cause of evil in the world.
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Among the 91% who believe in God or another higher power, Pew asked additional questions about the relationship between God and human suffering.
Eighty percent of respondents say suffering comes from people and not God, though more than half (56%) believe that God chooses “not to stop the suffering in the world because it is part of a larger plan.”
Moreover, nearly half (48%) of people who believe in God or a higher power say that “Satan is responsible for most of the suffering in the world” reflects their views either “very well” or “somewhat well.” This view is especially strong among Evangelicals.
Most Americans, however, blame people and the society they live in for the world’s suffering.
Seventy-one percent say “suffering is mostly a consequence of people’s own actions.” A similar 69% say “suffering is mostly a result of the way society is structured.” Separately, 68% of respondents say “everything in life happens for a reason.” And 61% say that suffering is meant “to provide an opportunity for people to come out stronger.”
Few Americans (4%) say “all or most” suffering is a punishment from God. Rather, nearly half (46%) stressed that none of the suffering in the world is a punishment from God.
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