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2021.11.20 國際新聞導讀-伊朗抱怨IAEA太過政治化、巴勒斯坦政府受歡迎度降到歷史新低,世界各國援助巴勒斯坦金額也降到最低、美國猶太人的認同是白種猶太人?應該是少數民族才對。以色列對義務役士兵的超低薪資引發爭議
Manage episode 307598389 series 2948782
2021.11.20 國際新聞導讀-伊朗抱怨IAEA太過政治化、巴勒斯坦政府受歡迎度降到歷史新低,世界各國援助巴勒斯坦金額也降到最低、美國猶太人的認同是白種猶太人?應該是少數民族才對。以色列對義務役士兵的超低薪資引發爭議
在法國敦促其採取行動後,伊朗呼籲國際原子能機構非政治化
聯合國機構對伊朗沒有與監測員充分合作的抱怨可能會使恢復核協議變得更加困難。
通過路透
伊朗週五呼籲聯合國核監督機構非政治化,此前法國曾敦促該組織就爭議核活動和缺乏合作“向德黑蘭發出強烈信息”。
在國際原子能機構的35個國家管理委員會即將開始在維也納會議11月24日,舉行會談的前五天是由於恢復與全球大國復興伊朗的核合作協議。
聯合國機構對伊朗沒有與監察員充分合作的抱怨可能會使恢復該協議變得更加困難,根據該協議,伊朗接受對其核計劃的限制,以換取解除國際制裁。
“作為國際原子能機構負責任的成員,伊朗一直強調,國際原子能機構作為聯合國技術和專門機構的聲譽必須不受任何政治行為的影響,”伊朗外交部在推特上發表聲明說。
法國外交部發言人安妮-克萊爾勒讓德週四表示,監管機構的管理委員會應該採取行動,此前機構報告強調了德黑蘭核計劃的問題。西方國家說他們擔心它有軍事目的,而德黑蘭則堅稱它純粹是和平的。
2021 年 5 月 24 日,在奧地利維也納,在冠狀病毒病 (COVID-19) 大流行期間,伊朗國旗飄揚在國際原子能機構總部所在的聯合國辦公大樓前。(來源:LISI NIESNER/REUTERS)
根據國際原子能機構週三的報告,伊朗仍未准許國際原子能機構檢查員進入它兩個月前承諾在一個車間重新安裝監控攝像頭,該車間是 6 月份明顯遭到破壞的地點。
勒讓德表示,伊朗“必須毫不拖延地重新履行其對國際原子能機構的所有承諾和義務,恢復與該機構的合作,並重新全面實施”2015 年核協議。
她沒有澄清她所說的強烈信息是什麼意思。外交官們表示,在重啟核協議的談判恢復之前,西方大國不太可能對伊朗採取行動。
威廉千元直播選料竟開出百萬翡翠! 網友驚呼:怎麼做到的?由珠寶閣贊助
在德黑蘭同意延長對一些核活動的監測並邀請國際原子能機構負責人拉斐爾·格羅西到德黑蘭進行會談之後,西方大國在 9 月取消了國際原子能機構理事會譴責伊朗的決議的計劃。格羅西將在原子能機構理事會會議之前再次抵達德黑蘭。
Iran calls for depoliticization of IAEA after France urges it to act
Complaints from the UN body that Iran has not fully cooperated with monitors could make it more difficult to revive the nuclear deal.
By REUTERS
Published: NOVEMBER 19, 2021 10:44
IAEA DIRECTOR-GENERAL Rafael Grossi speaks at a news conference during a Board of Governors meeting in Vienna in September.
(photo credit: Leonhard Foeger/Reuters)
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Iran called on Friday for the depoliticization of the UN nuclear watchdog, after France had urged the organization to "send a strong message to Tehran" over disputed nuclear activities and a lack of cooperation.
The International Atomic Energy Agency’s 35-nation governing board is due to begin meeting on Nov. 24 in Vienna, five days before talks are due to resume on reviving Iran's nuclear deal with global powers.
Complaints from the UN body that Iran has not fully cooperated with monitors could make it more difficult to revive the agreement, under which Iran accepted curbs on its nuclear program in return for the lifting of international sanctions.
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"As a responsible member of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Iran has always emphasized that the IAEA's reputation as a technical and specialized body of the United Nations must be free of any political conduct," said an Iranian Foreign Ministry statement in a Twitter feed.
French Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Anne-Claire Legendre had said on Thursday that the watchdog's governing board should act, after agency reports highlighted issues over Tehran's nuclear program. Western nations say they fear it has military aims while Tehran insists it is purely peaceful.
Iranian flag flies in front of the UN office building, housing IAEA headquarters, amid the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, in Vienna, Austria, May 24, 2021. (credit: LISI NIESNER/ REUTERS)
According to IAEA reports on Wednesday, Iran had still not granted IAEA inspectors access it promised two months ago to re-install monitoring cameras at a workshop that was the site of apparent sabotage in June.
Legendre said Iran "must return without delay to fulfilling all its commitments and obligations to the IAEA, resume cooperation with the agency and return to full implementation" of the 2015 nuclear deal.
She did not clarify what she meant by a strong message. Diplomats have said it is unlikely Western powers would take action against Iran before the negotiations on reviving the nuclear accord resume.
Western powers scrapped plans in September for an IAEA board resolution rebuking Iran, after Tehran agreed to prolong monitoring of some nuclear activities and invited IAEA chief Rafael Grossi to Tehran for talks. Grossi is again due in Tehran ahead of the IAEA board meeting.
PA在巴勒斯坦人中的受歡迎程度創歷史新低
巴勒斯坦事務:金融危機和執法不力給拉馬拉帶來了不好的情緒。
由哈利·阿布·托梅
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 21:30
巴勒斯坦人上週在拉馬拉遊行,紀念巴勒斯坦領導人亞西爾·阿拉法特逝世 17 週年。
(圖片來源:FLASH90)
廣告
過去一周,巴勒斯坦人紀念了三件“歷史性”事件。
第一,前巴解組織領導人亞西爾·阿拉法特逝世 17 週年,他於 2004 年 11 月 11 日去世。第二,阿拉法特於 1988 年 11 月 15 日在阿爾及爾宣布巴勒斯坦獨立宣言 33 週年。第三,巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯的生日也是在 11 月 15 日,他 86 歲。
前兩次的集會規模相對較小,其中大部分在西岸舉行。然而,阿巴斯的生日卻無人注意。他的助手指出,他沒有慶祝生日的習慣,至少沒有在公共場合慶祝。
按照過去的慣例,阿巴斯在阿拉法特逝世和巴勒斯坦獨立宣言的周年紀念日向其前任在拉馬拉的墳墓敬獻花圈,重申他對組建巴勒斯坦統一政府的承諾,同時譴責以色列涉嫌破壞兩國解決方案和“殺害無辜兒童”。
在過去的一周裡,阿巴斯在拉馬拉的穆卡塔總統府邸的氣氛並不樂觀。
馬哈茂德·阿巴斯總統於 2020 年 8 月 18 日在以色列佔領的約旦河西岸拉馬拉的一次會議上做手勢。(來源:REUTERS/MOHAMAD TOROKMAN)
巴勒斯坦權力機構正面臨嚴重的金融危機,主要是由於國際社會的財政援助急劇減少。
巴勒斯坦權力機構表示,這場危機也是以色列從其代表巴勒斯坦人徵收的稅收中扣除數百萬謝克爾的政策的結果。扣除額相當於巴勒斯坦權力機構向因對以色列人發動恐怖襲擊而被以色列殺害或監禁的巴勒斯坦人家屬支付的金額。
巴勒斯坦官員說,金融危機是巴勒斯坦權力機構近年來面臨的最嚴重的危機之一。
巴勒斯坦權力機構總理穆罕默德·施泰耶本週前往挪威參加一年一度的巴勒斯坦權力機構捐助國會議。訪問前夕,施泰耶表示,他將敦促捐助國增加對巴勒斯坦權力機構的財政援助,並施壓以色列停止從巴勒斯坦人的稅收中扣除付款的政策。
但拉馬拉的一位高級官員本週表示,他對 Shtayyeh 成功完成任務的可能性並不樂觀。
“我們從歐洲捐助者那裡收到的信息並不令人鼓舞,”這位官員說。“他們忙於自己的問題,尤其是在冠狀病毒爆發的情況下。我們被告知,我們需要等到明年才能恢復財政援助。”
與此同時,巴勒斯坦官員表示,他們也對拜登政府未能兌現其重新向巴勒斯坦權力機構提供財政援助的承諾感到失望。
“美國人告訴我們,我們需要耐心,”另一位巴勒斯坦高級官員說。“拜登政府似乎正試圖在不違反美國法律的情況下尋找恢復財政援助的方法,尤其是泰勒部隊法案,該法案因向囚犯和烈士的家屬付款而停止了對巴勒斯坦權力機構的經濟援助。”
週三晚上,阿巴斯在辦公室會見了美國駐聯合國大使琳達·托馬斯-格林菲爾德,再次指責以色列政府破壞兩國解決方案。他說,巴勒斯坦人期待美國政府兌現承諾,包括重新開放美國駐耶路撒冷領事館,以及對兩國解決方案的承諾。
巴勒斯坦人不僅對拜登政府感到失望,對阿拉伯國家也感到失望。巴勒斯坦權力機構一再呼籲阿拉伯政府履行其向巴勒斯坦人提供數億美元援助的承諾已被置若罔聞。
據巴勒斯坦官員稱,自今年年初以來,巴勒斯坦權力機構沒有收到來自阿拉伯國家的資金。在簽署亞伯拉罕協議後,巴勒斯坦人和幾個阿拉伯國家,特別是海灣國家之間的緊張局勢,這並不令人意外。
巴勒斯坦人正在為反复襲擊與以色列簽署正常化協議的阿拉伯國家付出代價。在各種社交媒體平台上,巴勒斯坦人被他們的阿拉伯兄弟斥為“忘恩負義的人”,“在巴勒斯坦問題上進行販賣”。
毫不奇怪,阿巴斯沒有收到大多數阿拉伯總統和君主在巴勒斯坦獨立宣言發表 33 週年之際向他表示祝賀的消息。
據巴勒斯坦權力機構官方通訊社報導,阿巴斯收到了許多世界領導人的“賀電”,其中包括中國、馬里、毛里塔尼亞、哈薩克斯坦、馬拉維、尼加拉瓜、馬耳他和烏茲別克斯坦的總統。到週四,來自阿拉伯世界的唯一電報來自約旦、埃及、阿爾及利亞和摩洛哥。
值得注意的是,雖然大多數阿拉伯國家已經背棄了巴勒斯坦人,但以色列正在直接轉向巴勒斯坦權力機構。
以色列正試圖說服捐助國恢復對巴勒斯坦權力機構的財政援助。據報導,以色列甚至要求拜登政府向阿拉伯國家施壓,要求恢復對巴勒斯坦人的財政援助。
以色列有充分的理由擔心巴勒斯坦權力機構可能崩潰。最近幾週,越來越多的跡象表明巴勒斯坦權力機構開始失去對希伯倫和西岸北部一些地區的控制,尤其是傑寧。
希伯倫敵對部族之間的日常衝突讓該市的居民懷疑巴勒斯坦權力機構是否仍在控制局勢。巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊一直無法阻止蒙面槍手縱火焚燒希伯倫的幾家商店、房屋和車輛。一些絕望的希伯倫居民以前所未有的舉動呼籲阿卜杜拉國王派遣約旦軍隊前往他們的城市停止戰鬥。
“向約旦國王阿卜杜拉發出呼籲的目的是向巴勒斯坦權力機構發出警告,”來自希伯倫的商人艾哈邁德·賈巴里 (Ahmad Ja'bari) 說。“希伯倫人民想讓巴勒斯坦權力機構難堪,因為它沒有採取任何措施來保護他們和他們的財產。這裡的感覺是,巴勒斯坦權力機構對執行法律和秩序不感興趣,因為許多歹徒都隸屬於其執政的法塔赫派系。”
上週五在傑寧發生的事情更加令人不安,不僅對巴勒斯坦權力機構如此,對以色列也是如此。
數十名哈馬斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織槍手以及數千名巴勒斯坦人參加了上週死于冠狀病毒並發症的哈馬斯高級官員瓦斯菲卡巴哈的葬禮。
哈馬斯和 PIJ 槍手在傑寧街頭公開露面,以及葬禮上的大量觀眾,被許多巴勒斯坦人視為對阿巴斯和巴勒斯坦權力機構精心策劃的挑戰。
憤怒的阿巴斯通過解僱傑寧的巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊的指揮官做出回應。據報導,他後來指示他的安全部隊鎮壓約旦河西岸北部的哈馬斯和 PIJ 成員。
上週,Shin Bet 主任 Ronen Bar 和 Abbas 之間的會談的核心是哈馬斯和 PIJ 活動的增加以及巴勒斯坦權力機構控制地區的無法無天和無政府狀態的加劇。
在阿巴斯位於拉馬拉的住所會見期間,雙方同意加強安全協調,打擊哈馬斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭解放陣線的影響,在希伯倫和其他巴勒斯坦社區維護法律和秩序。
但巴爾和阿巴斯之間的會面可能會適得其反,至少就巴勒斯坦權力機構主席而言。
許多巴勒斯坦人不喜歡這樣的會議,他們認為與以色列的安全協調是叛國行為。那些宣傳這次會議的人對阿巴斯造成了進一步的傷害,阿巴斯已經因為他對以色列的“和解”政策而面臨巴勒斯坦人越來越多的批評。最近的民意調查顯示,近80%的巴勒斯坦民眾希望阿巴斯下台。
正是這樣的會議使關於組建巴勒斯坦聯合政府的談話聽起來像一個笑話。哈馬斯不會加入任何與以色列進行民事和安全協調的巴勒斯坦權力機構政府。哈馬斯不會加入任何部長與以色列同行會面的政府。
此外,值得注意的是,哈馬斯領導人一再拒絕阿巴斯提出的將他們納入聯合政府的條件。
在過去的幾周里,阿巴斯表示,如果哈馬斯想加入一個統一政府,它必須承認所有與以色列-阿拉伯衝突有關的國際決議。換句話說,阿巴斯希望哈馬斯承認以色列並接受兩國解決方案。那些相信哈馬斯會在此類爆炸性問題上做出任何讓步的人,是活在幻想之中。
哈馬斯領導人繼續談論“解放全巴勒斯坦”和“加強抵抗”對以色列的必要性。
就阿巴斯而言,他似乎並不急於返回加沙地帶。他似乎也沒有認真對待讓哈馬斯進入他的政府。所謂“民族團結”,主要是針對國內消費的。他想向巴勒斯坦人表明,他不是造成約旦河西岸和加沙地帶分裂的人。
隨著阿巴斯和哈馬斯繼續相互廝殺,以色列與一些阿拉伯國家的關係似乎正在快速向前發展。這些阿拉伯人不再關心巴勒斯坦權力機構關於與以色列正常化的尖刻言論。除了哈馬斯和阿拉伯和西方“反正常化”團體外,唯一擔心以色列與阿拉伯國家和解的人只有阿巴斯和他的高級官員。
儘管阿巴斯可能會嫉妒那些與以色列實現正常化的人,但他知道加入這股潮流會使他的政權垮台。因此,他不得不繼續他的舊雙人遊戲:不斷升級對以色列的修辭攻擊,同時依靠它來防止巴勒斯坦權力機構崩潰。
就歐洲人而言,他們顯然受夠了阿巴斯一再承諾舉行早該舉行的大選、打擊猖獗的腐敗以及結束他的巴勒斯坦權力機構與哈馬斯之間的爭端。他們似乎也對巴勒斯坦權力機構在西岸對巴勒斯坦人犯下的侵犯人權行為感到失望,特別是殺害反腐敗活動家尼扎爾·巴納特(Nizar Banat),他於 6 月被巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員毆打致死。
拜登政府在與巴勒斯坦權力機構和阿巴斯的交往中似乎也保持低調。據說巴勒斯坦權力機構主席對拜登在去年 9 月的聯合國大會期間拒絕在紐約會見他感到失望。由於拜登拒絕與他會面,阿巴斯取消了對紐約的訪問後,在拉馬拉的視頻會議上發表了講話。
受到大多數阿拉伯國家的迴避和越來越多的巴勒斯坦人的厭惡,阿巴斯清楚地得出結論,他生存的關鍵掌握在以色列手中,他和巴勒斯坦權力機構日夜工作以妖魔化以色列。指責它進行種族清洗,殺害無辜的巴勒斯坦人,襲擊伊斯蘭和基督教聖地,並致力於將耶路撒冷“猶太化”
PA popularity among Palestinians at an all-time low
PALESTINIAN AFFAIRS: A financial crisis and a failure to enforce law and order have brought a bad mood to Ramallah.
By KHALED ABU TOAMEH
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 21:30
PALESTINIANS MARCH in Ramallah last week as they mark the 17th anniversary of the death of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat.
(photo credit: FLASH90)
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In the past week, the Palestinians marked three “historic” events.
First, the 17th anniversary of the death of former PLO leader Yasser Arafat, who died on November 11, 2004. Second, the 33rd anniversary of the Palestinian Declaration of Independence, proclaimed by Arafat on November 15, 1988, in Algiers. Third, the birthday of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, who turned 86, also on November 15.
The first two occasions were marked with relatively small rallies, most of which were held in the West Bank. Abbas’s birthday, however, went unnoticed. His aides pointed out that he is not in the habit of celebrating his birthday, at least not in public.
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In keeping with past practice, Abbas marked the anniversary of Arafat’s death and the Palestinian Declaration of Independence by laying a wreath on the tomb of his predecessor in Ramallah and reiterating his commitment to the formation of a Palestinian unity government, while condemning Israel for allegedly undermining the two-state solution and “killing innocent children.”
In the past week, the mood in Abbas’s Mukata presidential compound in Ramallah was anything but upbeat.
President Mahmoud Abbas gestures during a meeting in Ramallah, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank August 18, 2020. (credit: REUTERS/MOHAMAD TOROKMAN)
The PA is facing an acute financial crisis, mainly as a result of a sharp decline in financial aid from the international community.
The PA says that the crisis is also the result of Israel’s policy of deducting millions of shekels from tax revenues it collects on behalf of the Palestinians. The deductions are equivalent to the amount of money the PA pays to families of Palestinians killed or imprisoned by Israel for carrying out terrorist attacks against Israelis.
Palestinian officials say that the financial crisis is one of the worst the PA has faced in recent years.
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PA Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh traveled to Norway this week to participate in a biannual meeting of donor countries to the PA. On the eve of the visit, Shtayyeh said that he will urge the donor countries to increase their financial aid to the PA and pressure Israel to halt its policy of deducting payments from the Palestinians’ tax revenues.
But a senior official in Ramallah said this week that he was not optimistic regarding the chances that Shtayyeh would succeed in his mission.
“The messages we received from the European donors are not encouraging,” the official said. “They are busy with their own problems, especially in light of the outbreak of the coronavirus. We were told that we need to wait until next year for the resumption of the financial aid.”
Meanwhile, Palestinian officials say they are also disappointed with the failure of the Biden administration to fulfill its promise to renew financial aid to the PA.
“The Americans are telling us that we need to be patient,” said another senior Palestinian official. “It seems that the Biden administration is trying to find ways to resume the financial aid without breaking US law, especially the Taylor Force Act, which halted economic aid to the Palestinian Authority because of the payments to the families of the prisoners and martyrs.”
On Wednesday evening, Abbas met in his office with US Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield and again accused the Israeli government of undermining the two-state solution. He said that the Palestinians expect the US administration to fulfill its promises, including the reopening of the US Consulate in Jerusalem and the commitment to the two-state solution.
THE PALESTINIANS are disappointed not only with the Biden administration, but with the Arab countries, too. Repeated appeals by the PA to the Arab governments to fulfill their promises to provide hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to the Palestinians have fallen on deaf ears.
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Since the beginning of the year, the PA has not received money from the Arab countries, according to Palestinian officials. This does not come as a surprise, in the wake of the tensions between the Palestinians and several Arab countries, particularly those in the Gulf, after the signing of the Abraham Accords.
The Palestinians are paying the price for their recurring attacks on the Arab countries that signed normalization agreements with Israel. On various social media platforms, the Palestinians are being denounced by their Arab brothers as an “ungrateful people” who are “trafficking in the Palestinian issue.”
It is no surprise that Abbas did not receive messages from most of the Arab presidents and monarchs congratulating him on the 33rd anniversary of the Palestinian Declaration of Independence.
According to the PA’s official news agency, Abbas received “congratulatory cables” from many world leaders, including the presidents of China, Mali, Mauritania, Kazakhstan, Malawi, Nicaragua, Malta and Uzbekistan. By Thursday, the only cables from the Arab world came from Jordan, Egypt, Algeria and Morocco.
Remarkably, while most of the Arab states have turned their backs on the Palestinians, Israel is turning directly toward the PA.
Israel is trying to persuade the donor countries to resume financial aid to the PA. According to some reports, Israel has even asked the Biden administration to pressure the Arab countries to resume financial aid to the Palestinians.
ISRAEL HAS good reason to be worried about the possible collapse of the PA. In recent weeks, there have been growing signs that the PA is beginning to lose control of Hebron and some areas of the northern West Bank, especially Jenin.
Daily clashes between rival clans in Hebron have left residents of the city wondering whether the PA is still in control of the situation. The PA security forces have been unable to stop masked gunmen from setting fire to several shops, houses and vehicles in Hebron. In an unprecedented move, some desperate Hebron residents appealed to King Abdullah to send Jordanian troops to their city to stop the fighting.
“The appeal to Jordan’s King Abdullah aims to send a warning to the Palestinian Authority,” said Ahmad Ja’bari, a businessman from Hebron. “The people of Hebron want to embarrass the Palestinian Authority because it is not doing anything to protect them and their properties. The feeling here is that the Palestinian Authority is not interested in enforcing law and order, because many of the gangsters are affiliated with its ruling Fatah faction.”
What happened in Jenin last Friday was even more disturbing, not only for the PA, but for Israel, too.
Scores of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad gunmen, along with thousands of Palestinians, participated in the funeral of Wasfi Kabaha, a senior Hamas official who died last week of coronavirus complications.
The public appearance of the Hamas and PIJ gunmen on the streets of Jenin, as well as the large turnout at the funeral, was seen by many Palestinians as a carefully orchestrated challenge to Abbas and the PA.
A furious Abbas responded by dismissing the commanders of the PA security forces in Jenin. He later reportedly instructed his security forces to crack down on Hamas and PIJ members in the northern West Bank.
The increased activities of Hamas and PIJ and growing scenes of lawlessness and anarchy in PA-controlled areas were at the center of the talks last week between Shin Bet director Ronen Bar and Abbas.
During the meeting in Abbas’s residence in Ramallah, the two sides agreed to increase security coordination, combat the influence of Hamas and PIJ and enforce law and order in Hebron and other Palestinian communities.
But the meeting between Bar and Abbas could prove counterproductive, at least as far as the PA president is concerned.
Such meetings are not received well by many Palestinians, who consider security coordination with Israel as an act of treason. Those who publicized the meeting caused further damage to Abbas, who is already facing growing criticism from Palestinians over his “conciliatory” policies toward Israel. Recent public opinion polls have shown that nearly 80% of the Palestinian public wants Abbas to step down.
It is such meetings that make the talk about the formation of a Palestinian unity government sound like a joke. Hamas is not going to sit in any PA government that conducts civilian and security coordination with Israel. Hamas is not going to join any government whose ministers meet with their Israeli counterparts.
Moreover, it is worth noting that Hamas leaders have repeatedly rejected Abbas’s condition for including them in a unity government.
In the past few weeks, Abbas has stated that if Hamas wants to join a unity government, it must recognize all international resolutions pertaining to the Israeli-Arab conflict. Abbas, in other words, wants Hamas to recognize Israel and accept the two-state solution. Those who believe that Hamas will make any concessions on such explosive issues are living under an illusion.
Hamas leaders continue to talk about the “liberation of all of Palestine” and the need to “step up the resistance” against Israel.
Abbas, for his part, does not seem eager to return to the Gaza Strip. Nor does he appear to be serious about bringing Hamas into his government. The talk about “national unity” is mainly intended for internal consumption. He wants to show the Palestinians that he’s not the one responsible for the split between the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
As Abbas and Hamas continue to fight each other, tooth and claw, relations between Israel and some of the Arab countries appear to be moving forward at a rapid pace. These Arabs are no longer concerned with the PA’s acid remarks about normalization with Israel. The only people who are worried about the rapprochement between Israel and the Arab countries are Abbas and his senior officials, in addition to Hamas and Arab and Western “anti-normalization” groups.
Although Abbas is likely eyeing with envy those who have entered into normalization with Israel, he knows that joining the bandwagon would bring his regime crashing down on his head. Thus, he is left to continue his old double game: escalating rhetorical attacks on Israel while relying on it to prevent the collapse of the PA.
The Europeans, for their part, are obviously fed up with Abbas’s repeated promises to hold long overdue general elections, combat rampant corruption and end the dispute between his PA and Hamas. They also seem to be disappointed with human rights violations committed by the PA against Palestinians in the West Bank, particularly the killing of anti-corruption activist Nizar Banat, who was beaten to death in June by PA security officers.
The Biden administration also appears to be keeping a low profile in its dealings with the PA and Abbas. The PA president is said to be disappointed with Biden for refusing to meet with him in New York during last September’s meeting of the United Nations General Assembly. Abbas addressed the meeting via videoconference from Ramallah after canceling his visit to New York because of Biden’s refusal to meet with him.
Shunned by most of the Arab countries and detested by a growing number of Palestinians, Abbas has clearly reached the conclusion that the key to his survival lies in the hands of Israel, the same country that he and the PA work day and night to demonize by accusing it of carrying out ethnic cleansing, killing innocent Palestinians, assaulting Islamic and Christian holy sites and working to “Judaize” Jerusalem.
什麼時候批評以色列是合法的,什麼時候是反猶太主義?
“以色列恐懼症”是丹·迪克 (Dan Diker) 和他的其他作家用來描述政治批評和反猶太主義之間重疊的術語。
作者:邁克爾·斯塔爾
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 17:57
2018 年 9 月 4 日,倫敦,示威者參加英國工黨全國執行委員會會議外的抗議活動,該會議將討論該黨對反猶太主義的定義
(照片來源:路透社/亨利·尼科爾斯)
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什麼時候對以色列的批評是合法的,什麼時候是反猶太的?在“以色列恐懼症和西方:劫持關於以色列的公民話語以及如何拯救它”一書中,Dan Diker 和耶路撒冷公共事務中心 (JCPA) 試圖回答這個問題。
“以色列恐懼症”是狄克爾和他的其他作家用來描述政治批評和反猶太主義之間重疊的術語。與正常的批評不同,以色列恐懼症是對以色列的仇恨,而不是它的所作所為,並使用政治術語來“掩蓋”在其他情況下會被視為偏執的東西。
Israelphobia 是一本由 JCPA 出版、由 JCPA 研究員兼 BDS 和政治戰項目主任 Diker 編輯的 19 篇論文的書。JCPA 由前大使多爾·戈爾德 (Dore Gold) 領導,是一家專注於公共外交和外交政策的研究機構,這使其能夠為收藏品挖掘一批有影響力的散文家。散文家的專業知識多種多樣,有外交官、記者和學者,也有背景,以色列-阿拉伯人、埃塞俄比亞-以色列人、南非黑人和基督徒為討論提供了獨特的觀點。
這些文章是在 2019 年組織和策劃的,這是大流行前的時期,反猶太主義顯著上升。在紐約,猶太人在街頭遭到襲擊。4 月,波威猶太教堂發生了一起重大槍擊事件。在校園裡,除非他們譴責以色列,否則猶太學生會受到同齡人的騷擾和排斥,正如丹尼爾·戈迪斯 (Daniel Gordis) 所描述的那樣。
馬爾科姆·霍恩萊因 (Malcolm Hoenlein) 等文章給人的印像是,越來越尊重政治便利造成了差距。記者和政治家忽視了政治盟友的反猶太主義的報導和處理。以色列恐懼症以美國眾議員伊爾汗·奧馬爾為例:她的言論尚未得到民主黨領導層的適當警告。出於同樣的原因,2019 年沒有報導某些團體的街頭襲擊。對於 Shmuel Trigano 教授輕蔑地描述的“後現代主義”的盛行敘述,在政治上是不方便的。正如 Gordis 所指出的,猶太人在 Progressive 堆棧中的評價並不高。這些政治上的放縱改變了為主流提供可接受話語範圍的奧弗頓窗口,以允許具有類似政治特徵的言論。
以色列恐懼症和西方(圖片來源:對方提供)
Natan Sharansky舉了一個隱蔽的反猶太主義的例子,如果有人說“猶太復國主義者”而不是“猶太人”,那麼在使用反猶太主義的比喻時,它會更可口。他將這與斯大林主義的修辭相比較,後者經常使用相同的猶太復國主義者/猶太人修辭手法。
大部分以色列恐懼症都致力於對針對以色列的政治流行語進行批判性分析。Luba Mayekiso 和 Olga Meshoe Washington 撰寫了專門的文章,僅針對種族隔離指控就被多次提及。正如哈立德·阿布·托阿梅 (Khaled Abu Toameh) 在他的文章中所解釋的那樣,將以色列稱為種族隔離國家或殖民國家所隱含的極端語言和指控與居住在黎凡特的以色列阿拉伯人和巴勒斯坦人的擔憂和需求脫節。這些文章一再爭辯說,這些流行語是用來表達仇恨的,希望它們的情緒重量會欺負其他人進入反以色列的立場。
那麼,如何區分合法批評以色列的人和濫用流行語和“正確”政治敘事的人?儘管是本書的中心問題,但許多文章都在談論現象的起源和表現形式、它引起的問題或其他相關問題,而不是解決問題。Asa Kasher 的文章提出了最透徹和分析性的論點,最終歸結為非法批評以色列是雙重標准或攻擊以色列是以色列。艾倫·德肖維茨 (Alan Dershowitz) 呼應了自然和雙重標準的觀點,但不像 Kasher 那樣詳細。
Sharansky 創建的著名 3D 測試中包含雙重標準。該測試是整本書中大部分推理的基礎,Sharansky 認為該測試在檢測非法批評方面具有持續有效性。許多散文家,例如 Brig.-Gen。(res.) Yossi Kuperwasser,相信國際大屠殺紀念聯盟反猶太主義工作定義的採用和擴散將對抗以色列恐懼症。
自 2019 年以來,政治格局和話語發生了巨大變化。然而,以色列恐懼症仍然具有相關性並能預測這些變化,儘管被現在似乎被過度使用的例子和情況所困擾。以色列恐懼症預測了國際大屠殺紀念聯盟對反猶太主義的定義的普及,該定義繼續被國家和機構採用。戈爾德關於非洲外交關係的文章仍然具有相關性,解釋了當今蘇丹和非洲聯盟外交的重要性。Joshua Washington 和 Messeret Woldemichael Kasabian 的文章挑戰了 Black Lives Matter 在該運動重新普及之前對抗以色列的缺陷。
儘管地緣政治和社會發生了變化,但以色列恐懼症仍然是尋求理解現代反以色列話語的政治家、活動家和學生的必讀書籍。
以色列恐懼症和西方
丹·迪克編輯
耶路撒冷公共事務中心
226 頁;20 美元
猶太人不是白人:以色列和美國的種族和身份 - 意見
如果以色列猶太人是白人,那麼這些“白人猶太人”必須通過他們的白人至上權壓迫哪些有色人種?當然是巴勒斯坦人。
作者:布萊恩·布魯姆
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 15:59
現在的白人“是一種誹謗”。
(照片來源:JON TYSON/UNSPLASH)
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當我在 1970 年代在美國長大時,我經常需要填寫一些要求種族或民族的官方表格。我總是在框上標記“白人”,有時也標記為“白種人”。我當時並沒有想太多。我的猶太身份還沒有特別成熟。我當然是白人。我還能是什麼?
那回來咬我 - 和各地的猶太人 - 很重要。
《耶路撒冷郵報》的賽斯·弗蘭茨曼 (Seth Frantzman)寫道,如今白人“是一種誹謗” 。猶太人已經變成了“白人猶太人”,弗蘭茨曼正確地指出,其核心是“反猶太人”。
他指出,阿爾巴尼亞的穆斯林不被稱為“白人穆斯林”。也沒有任何“白人印度教徒”、“白人佛教徒”或“白人天主教徒”。
“只有猶太人才被稱為‘白人猶太人’,”弗蘭茨曼強調,這迫使他們歸入“美國的白人類別,這一類別意味著‘多數’和‘特權’。”因此,在一些美國圈子中,將他們認定為猶太人“已經成為'白人至上'的代名詞,”他說。
他也可能是種族主義的受害者。(信用:路透社)
前耶路撒冷郵報編輯和現任紐約時報專欄作家布雷特斯蒂芬斯寫道,這種合併是“淫穢的” ,因為它“將猶太裔美國人與 [2017 年] 在夏洛茨維爾遊行的那種高呼‘猶太人不會取代我們’的人混為一談。”
告訴麗貝卡維爾科默森,猶太和平之聲的執行董事。
維爾科默森去年在推特上說:“我們白人猶太人尤其需要認識到,將自己作為受害者的身份置於此處是一種權力轉移,也是一種避免自我反思我們在白人至上主義世界中的相對地位的方式。”
“今天的美國正在經歷一場與 1960 年代一樣激進的文化變革,”斯蒂芬斯寫道。最令人不安的變化之一是:“種族正在取代種族,成為群體和個人認同的定義標誌。”
也不限於美國猶太人。以色列人現在被指責為“白人”。如果以色列猶太人是白人,那麼這些“白人猶太人”必須通過他們的白人至上權壓迫哪些有色人種?當然是巴勒斯坦人。
丹尼爾·戈迪斯 (Daniel Gordis) 在其最近出版的《拯救以色列:猶太人如何贏得一場可能永無止境的戰爭》一書中提到了一封由 93 名美國拉比學生在以色列初夏在加沙行動後所寫的信。他們斷言,美國猶太人是以色列和巴勒斯坦“種族清算[問]‘我們如何與種族暴力同謀’的一部分”?
戈迪斯回答說:“無論人們想怎麼稱呼以色列發生的事情,或者哈馬斯定期發生的事情,都不是種族暴力。” 相反,希望將以色列視為美國獨特的種族不公正歷史的反映是一種“完全是德系猶太人的看法”,如果不是那麼無知,那將是具有諷刺意味的,因為以色列的大多數猶太人不是德系猶太人而是米茲拉希姆,他們永遠不會認為自己是“白人”。
來自中東的猶太人,他們被驅逐出他們生活了幾個世紀的國家,他們的外表往往與該地區的其他非猶太人沒有區別,並不是像 Tablet 的 Liel Leibovitz 所說的那樣,是“白人過世”或“功能性白色。”
“作為一名以色列人,他是伊拉克猶太母親和北非猶太父親的兒子,目睹這種轉變令人心痛,”特拉維夫研究所高級研究員 Hen Mazzig 在洛杉磯時報上感嘆道。
但是,如果一個簡單的黑人與白人、壓迫者與被壓迫者解釋了美國的“一切”,戈迪斯指出,“它也必須解釋以色列的一切錯誤。”
如果以巴衝突是關於種族的,戈迪斯認為,“沒有兩方面的敘述需要被聽到,而是一方面是好的,一方面是邪惡的。[所以]如果你是猶太復國主義者,你就是種族主義者。”
“以色列和美國一樣,一團糟,”記者兼作家馬蒂弗里德曼承認。它只是“以完全不同的方式搞砸了”。
西方觀察家“往往傾向於將外國視為他們自己的鏡子,因為這會讓故事對他們的觀眾更有吸引力,他們主要對自己感興趣——誰不感興趣——”弗里德曼繼續說道。“所以,印度的納倫德拉·莫迪是唐納德·特朗普,法國的問題是種族不平等,而荷蘭的保守派是共和黨人。”
“實際上,以色列是地球上文化最多元的社會之一,由來自世界各地的移民組成,”蘇西林菲爾德在大西洋雜誌的一篇題為“巴勒斯坦不是弗格森”的精彩分析中指出,指的是邁克爾·布朗被槍殺後的密蘇里小鎮。
我們是怎麼來到這裡的?
斯蒂芬斯寫道,美國已經放棄了眾所周知的“熔爐”比喻,即“一個不屈不撓的二元國家,在這個國家中,人們被分為'有色人種'或'白人'”。“結果是,絕大多數美國猶太裔……被分流到一個種族類別中,很少有人有意識地認同 [並且] 這與猶太文化、宗教和政治傳統格格不入。”
弗里德曼寫道:“歐洲和伊斯蘭世界猶太人的故事,也就是以色列的故事,與美國的種族無關。” “我祖母的父母和兄弟姐妹在波蘭村外被與他們同種膚色的人槍殺。”
每個國家、每個衝突和每個人都應該根據自己的優點來判斷。這種破壞性的二元對以色列和衝突採用了不公平和不恰當的美國視角。這無助於我們達成任何一種公平的解決方案。它只會導致最危險的玩家進一步鑽研。
到達那裡需要細微差別、同理心和智力上的嚴謹。可悲的是,我不確定這是否是美國人知道該怎麼做的事情。
作者的書《全面:對大型汽車、大型石油和世界的初創公司的十億美元崩盤》可在亞馬遜和其他在線書商上購買。brianblum.com
Jews are not white: Race and identity in Israel and the US - Opinion
If Israeli Jews are white, then who are the people of color that these “white Jews” must be oppressing through their white supremacy? The Palestinians, of course.
By BRIAN BLUM
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 15:59
To be white these days “is a kind of slander.”
(photo credit: JON TYSON/UNSPLASH)
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When I was growing up in the US in the 1970s, I would often need to fill out some official form that asked for race or ethnicity. I always marked the box for “white” and sometimes “Caucasian.” I didn’t think much of it at the time. My Jewish identity wasn’t yet particularly developed. Of course I was white. What else could I be?
That’s come back to bite me – and Jews everywhere – big time.
To be white these days “is a kind of slander,” writes The Jerusalem Post’s Seth Frantzman. Jews have been transformed into “white Jews” which Frantzman correctly notes is, at its core, “anti-Jewish.”
Muslims in Albania are not called “white Muslims,” he points out. Nor are there any “white Hindus,” “white Buddhists” or “white Catholics.”
“Only Jews are called ‘white Jews,’” Frantzman stresses, which forces them into the “white category in America, the category that means ‘majority’ and ‘privileged.’” As a result, in some American circles, identifying as Jewish “has become synonymous with ‘white supremacy,’” he says.
HE CAN be a victim of racism also. (credit: REUTERS)
That amalgamation is “obscene,” writes former Jerusalem Post editor and current New York Times columnist Bret Stephens, because it “lumps Jewish Americans with the sort of people who marched in Charlottesville [in 2017] chanting ‘Jews will not replace us.’”
Tell that to Rebecca Vilkomerson, executive director of Jewish Voice for Peace.
“We white Jews especially need to recognize that centering our own status as victims here is a power move, as well as a way to avoid self-reflection on our relative status in a white supremacist world,” Vilkomerson tweeted last year.
“The United States today is undergoing a cultural transformation as radical as the one last seen in the 1960s,” writes Stephens. Among the most disturbing changes: “Race is replacing ethnicity as a defining marker of group and personal identification.”
NOR IS IT limited to American Jews. Israelis are now being castigated as “white.” And if Israeli Jews are white, then who are the people of color that these “white Jews” must be oppressing through their white supremacy? The Palestinians, of course.
Daniel Gordis, whose recent book Saving Israel: How the Jewish People Can Win a War that May Never End, refers to a letter penned by 93 American rabbinical students after Israel’s early summer operation in Gaza. They assert that American Jews are “part of a racial reckoning [that asks] ‘how are we complicit with racial violence’” in Israel and Palestine?
Gordis responds: “Whatever one wants to call what is happening in Israel, or what happens periodically with Hamas, it is not racial violence.” Rather, the desire to see Israel as a reflection of America’s unique history with racial injustice is a “wholly Ashkenazi take” which would be ironic if it weren’t so ignorant, since the majority of Israel’s Jews are not Ashkenazim but Mizrachim who would never consider themselves “white.”
Jews who hail from the Middle East, who were expelled from the countries in which they had lived for centuries and whose appearance is often indistinguishable from other non-Jews in the region, are not, as Tablet’s Liel Leibovitz calls, “white passing” or “functionally white.”
“As an Israeli, and the son of an Iraqi Jewish mother and North African Jewish father, it’s gut-wrenching to witness this shift,” laments Hen Mazzig, a senior fellow at the Tel Aviv Institute, in the Los Angeles Times.
But if a simplistic black vs. white, oppressor vs. oppressed explains “everything” in America, notes Gordis, “it must explain everything that’s wrong with Israel too.”
If the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is about race, Gordis posits, “There are not two sides with narratives that need to be heard, but rather, one side good, one side evil. [So] if you’re a Zionist, you’re a racist.”
“Israel, like America, is deeply messed up,” admits journalist and author Matti Friedman. It’s just “messed up in completely different ways.”
Western observers “are often tempted to see foreign countries as mirrors of their own, because it makes a story more compelling for members of their audience, who are interested – who isn’t – mainly in themselves,” Friedman continues. “So, Narendra Modi of India is Donald Trump, France’s problem is racial inequality, and Dutch conservatives are Republicans.”
“In reality, Israel is one of the most multicultural societies on earth, composed of immigrants from around the world,” notes Susie Linfield in an excellent analysis in The Atlantic entitled “Palestine isn’t Ferguson,” referring to the riots that erupted in that Missouri town following the fatal shooting of Michael Brown.
HOW DID we get here?
The US has abandoned the proverbial “melting pot” metaphor for “a country of unyielding binaries, in which people are grouped as being either ‘of color’ or ‘white,’” writes Stephens. “The result is that the vast majority of Jewish Americans… are being shunted into a racial category with which few have consciously identified [and] which is alien to Jewish cultural, religious, and political traditions.”
“The story of the Jewish minority in Europe and in the Islamic world, which is the story of Israel, has nothing to do with race in America,” Friedman writes. “My grandmother’s parents and siblings were shot outside their village in Poland by people the same color as them.”
Every country, every conflict and every individual should be judged on its own merits. This destructive binary applies an unfair and inappropriate American lens on Israel and the conflict. That won’t help us come to any kind of an equitable resolution. It will only lead the players who have the most at stake to dig their heels in further.
Getting there will require nuance, empathy and intellectual rigor. Sadly, I’m not sure if that’s something Americans know how to do anymore.
The writer’s book, TOTALED: The Billion-Dollar Crash of the Startup that Took on Big Auto, Big Oil and the World, is available on Amazon and other online booksellers. brianblum.com
所有埃塞俄比亞猶太人必須被帶回以色列
在埃塞俄比亞歷史悠久的猶太社區中心貢德爾,10,000 名 Beta Yisrael 成員焦急地等待移民到這個猶太國家。
作者:斯圖爾特·魏斯
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 18:54
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 23:31
2021 年 11 月 14 日,埃塞俄比亞 - 以色列人在耶路撒冷政府大樓外抗議,要求營救他們的親屬並將其帶到該國。
(照片來源:禮貌)
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這是一個扣人心弦的故事,講述了我們一個古老的希伯來部落的“重新猶太人脈絡”,以及我們的以色列民族在歷史上戲劇性地干預的能力,以及一場不祥的非洲內戰。但我們的故事首先從一個小女孩開始。
兩個月前,剛鐸埃塞俄比亞猶太難民營的居民、10 歲的 Ruth Mulugeta Tesfaye開始出現胸痛。她被她的父母帶到當地醫院,並被診斷出她的心臟有巨大的增長。露絲隨後被送往首都亞的斯亞貝巴的主要醫院,在那裡醫生證實了診斷,但告訴她的家人,他們沒有能力進行挽救她生命所需的手術。
Ruth 的母親 Ambanesh Tekeba Biru 瘋狂地打電話給以色列的 Avraham Neguise。Avraham 年輕時是一名牧羊人,他於 1985 年從埃塞俄比亞製造了 aliyah,並且是利庫德集團的前議會成員,2015 年至 2019 年在議會任職,擔任移民和僑民事務負責人。自從抵達以色列以來,內吉斯一直是埃塞俄比亞事業的擁護者和個人成就的典範。他擁有教育學博士學位並獲得了法律學位,他說他專門攻讀這一學位是為了幫助他的人民實現統一。事實上,內吉斯曾利用他的以色列議會投票推遲國家預算的通過,以迫使政府履行其對 Beta Yisrael 的承諾,這是一個勇敢而成功的策略,具有諷刺意味的是,
Avraham 非常了解 Ambanesh,因為她曾擔任 Hatikva 的主席,該組織負責監督 2013 年猶太機構離開貢德爾時在貢德爾的猶太機構。“我的女兒會死,”Ambanesh 喊道,“除非她現在得到幫助。”
Ambanesh 和 Ruth 在救命手術後(圖片來源:J. DAVID)
Neguise 聯繫了Save a Child's Heart 的一位朋友和長期支持者,這是一個了不起的以色列人道主義組織,致力於在兒童心髒病護理有限或根本不存在的國家拯救患有心髒病的危重兒童的生命。SACH 成立於 1996 年,總部位於霍隆的沃爾夫森醫院,已經拯救了來自世界各地的 6000 多名急需幫助的兒童,特別是來自非洲和中東的兒童,包括伊拉克、加沙和巴勒斯坦權力機構。此外,SACH 還幫助培訓來自第三世界國家的醫生掌握最新的心臟護理方法。
SACH 立即承諾幫助 Ruth,她和 Ambanesh 兩週前飛往以色列,Ruth 在那裡接受了手術。手術很成功,心臟的贅肉被切除了,她正在穩步康復中。
但現在,母女倆面臨新的危機:他們會被允許留在他們夢想中的國家以色列,還是會被送回埃塞俄比亞?
在埃塞俄比亞歷史悠久的猶太社區中心貢達爾,10,000 名 Beta Yisrael 成員焦急地等待移民到這個猶太國家。
他們經常步行來自許多村莊和城鎮,他們學習希伯來語和猶太法律,同時在猶太機構指定的拉比的指導下觀察猶太人的生活方式。他們原名法拉什穆拉 (Falash Mura),是 19 世紀和 20 世紀基督教傳教士通常以武力皈依基督教的猶太人的後裔。
具有諷刺意味的是,1860 年,皈依的猶太人亨利·亞倫·斯特恩 (Henry Aaron Stern) 開始努力將 Beta Yisrael 基督教化,其中許多人皈依以逃避大多數基督徒的迫害。事實上,當時的塞法迪首席拉比 Ovadia Yosef 於 2002 年宣布,法拉什穆拉因恐懼和暴力威脅而皈依,因此應被視為猶太人。
Yosef 與 Radbaz(拉比 David Ibn Abi Zimra,1479 年出生於西班牙,住在非斯、開羅和薩法德)的早期觀點一致,在 1973 年已經確認埃塞俄比亞社區是猶太人,但部落的後裔。超過 100,000 名 Beta Yisrael 成員將在 1984 年的摩西行動和 1991 年的所羅門行動等大規模空運中被帶到以色列,這得到了喬治·H·布什總統領導下的美國政府的極大便利。他們的社區現在總數超過 160,000 人。
Beta Yisrael 要么在允許家庭團聚的回歸法的主持下來到以色列;或者因為他們的母系譜係將他們確定為哈拉奇猶太人。
但至少有 10,000 名猶太人後裔仍留在貢德爾和亞的斯亞貝巴。自 1999 年以色列政府編制並批准了一份符合條件的移民名單以來,他們中的許多人一直在等待,並於 2015 年承諾在五年內將他們全部帶到這裡。他們都有一個親戚在以色列,許多家庭因被迫分離而被殘忍地撕裂。由於埃塞俄比亞目前正在爆發的內戰,他們的處境現在變得更加危急。提格雷人民解放陣線的部隊正在挑戰政府,製造一個隨時可能惡化的緊張和不穩定的環境。
本週日,內閣將舉行會議,並有望批准 5000 名社區成員進入以色列。內政部長 Ayelet Shaked 和移民和吸收部長 Pnina Tamano-Shata——第一位進入議會的埃塞俄比亞出生的女性——正在努力確保他們的移民安全。但越來越多的人在問,“為什麼不把他們都帶回家?!” 正如最近參加抗議的一位人士悲痛地指出:“以色列國的一項基本使命是成為整個猶太人民的監護人,無論他們居住在何處。這既是我們的特權,也是我們的承諾;我們怎麼能不尊重呢?”
與此同時,安巴內甚坐在那裡等待,既鬆了口氣,又心煩意亂。她女兒的生命已獲救,但她擔心,一旦露絲完成治療並出院,他們都將被迫返回埃塞俄比亞——即使他們已獲准搬到這裡並開始新的生活。生活。但是,將他們遣返回國不僅是一場荒誕的演出,還會向所有長期受苦的埃塞俄比亞人發出令人沮喪的信息,這些埃塞俄比亞人尋求自由和在猶太國家作為猶太人生活的機會。
歷史給我們帶來了危機,也給我們帶來了機遇。也許這是我們做正確事情的機會,將所有埃塞俄比亞猶太人帶回家,並為我們宣布黑人的命也是命。
作者是 Ra'anana 猶太外展中心的主任。
jocmtv@netvision.net.il
All Ethiopian Jews must be brought home to Israel
In Gondar, the center of Ethiopia’s historic Jewish community, 10,000 members of Beta Yisrael wait anxiously to immigrate to the Jewish state.
By STEWART WEISS
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 18:54
Updated: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 23:31
Ethiopian-Israelis protest outside government buildings in Jerusalem, demanding that their relatives be rescues and brought to the country, on November 14, 2021.
(photo credit: Courtesy)
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This is a gripping tale about the “re-Jew-venation” of one of our ancient Hebrew tribes, and the ability of our Israeli nation to dramatically intervene in history, with an ominous African civil war thrown in for good measure. But our story first begins with one little girl.
Two months ago, 10-year-old Ruth Mulugeta Tesfaye, a resident of the Ethiopian Jewish refugee camp in Gondor, began to have chest pains. She was brought to the local hospital by her parents and diagnosed with a massive growth on her heart. Ruth was then taken to the main hospital in the capital of Addis Ababa, where doctors confirmed the diagnosis but informed her family that they were not equipped to perform the surgery necessary to save her life.
Ruth’s mother, Ambanesh Tekeba Biru placed a frantic call to Avraham Neguise in Israel. Avraham – who in his youth was a shepherd – made aliyah from Ethiopia in 1985 and is a former member of the Knesset from the Likud party, serving in the Knesset from 2015-2019, where he was head of Immigration and Diaspora Affairs. Since his arrival in Israel, Neguise has been a champion of the Ethiopian cause and a model of personal achievement. He has a PhD in Education and earned a law degree as well, which he said he pursued specifically to help fight for the reunification of his people. Indeed, Neguise once used his Knesset vote to delay the passing of the State budget in order to compel the government to honor its commitment to the Beta Yisrael, a courageous and successful gambit that, ironically, would ultimately result in him being forced out of the party.
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Avraham knew Ambanesh well, as she had served as chairperson of Hatikva, the umbrella organization that took charge of overseeing the Jewish institutions in Gondar when the Jewish Agency left there in 2013. “My daughter is going to die,” cried Ambanesh, “unless she gets help now.”
Ambanesh and Ruth after the life-saving surgery (credit: J. DAVID)
Neguise reached out to a friend and long-time supporter of
Save a Child’s Heart
, an amazing Israeli humanitarian organization dedicated to saving the lives of critically-ill children suffering from heart disease, in countries where access to pediatric heart care is limited or nonexistent. Founded in 1996 and based out of Wolfson Hospital in Holon, SACH has saved more than 6000 children from around the world in desperate need of help, particularly those from Africa and the Middle East, including Iraq, Gaza and the Palestinian Authority. In addition, SACH helps to train doctors from third-world countries in the latest methods of cardiac care.
SACH immediately pledged to help Ruth, and she and Ambanesh were flown to Israel where Ruth underwent surgery two weeks ago. The surgery was successful, the growth was removed from her heart, and she is steadily recuperating.
But now, mother and daughter face a new crisis: will they be allowed to stay in Israel, the country of their dreams, or will they be sent back to Ethiopia?
IN GONDAR, the center of Ethiopia’s historic Jewish community, 10,000 members of Beta Yisrael wait anxiously to immigrate to the Jewish state.
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They have come, often on foot, from numerous villages and towns and they study Hebrew and Jewish law while observing a Jewish lifestyle under the guidance of a Jewish Agency-appointed rabbi. Formerly known as the Falash Mura, they are descendants of Jews who were converted to Christianity, often by force, by Christian missionaries in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Ironically, it was a converted Jew, Henry Aaron Stern, who began this effort to Christianize the Beta Yisrael in 1860 and many of these people converted to escape persecution by the Christian majority. Indeed, then-Sephardi chief rabbi Ovadia Yosef declared in 2002 that the Falash Mura had converted out of fear and threats of violence and therefore should be considered Jews.
Yosef, in keeping with the earlier opinion of the Radbaz (Rabbi David Ibn Abi Zimra, a leading Halachic authority born in Spain in 1479, who lived in Fez, Cairo and Safed) had already affirmed in 1973 that the Ethiopian community was Jewish, the descendants of the Tribe of Dan. More than 100,000 members of Beta Yisrael would be brought to Israel over four decades, in mass airlifts such as Operation Moses in 1984 and Operation Solomon in 1991, which was greatly facilitated by the American government under President George H. Bush. Their community now totals more than 160,000 souls.
The Beta Yisrael came to Israel either under the auspices of the Law of Return, which allows for family reunification; or because their maternal genealogical line identifies them as halachic Jews.
But at least 10,000 of the descendants of Jews still remain in Gondar and Addis Ababa. Many of them have been waiting since 1999 when a list of eligible immigrants was compiled and approved by the Israeli government, which pledged in 2015 to bring them all here within five years. All of them have a relative already in Israel, and many of the families have been cruelly torn apart by their forced separation. Their situation has now become even more critical, due to a burgeoning civil war currently taking place in Ethiopia. Forces of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front are challenging the government, creating a tense and unstable environment that can deteriorate at any moment.
This Sunday, the cabinet will meet and hopefully approve the entrance to Israel of 5000 members of the community. Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked and Immigration and Absorption Minister Pnina Tamano-Shata – the first Ethiopian-born woman to enter the Knesset – are working hard to secure their immigration. But more and more people are asking, “why not bring all of them home?!” As one of the people at a recent protest plaintively noted: “One of the fundamental missions of the State of Israel is to be the guardian of the entire Jewish People, wherever they may live. That is both our privilege and our promise; how can we not honor it?”
Meanwhile, Ambanesh sits and waits, both relieved and distraught. Her daughter’s life has been saved, but she is worried that once Ruth is finished with her treatment and released from medical care, they will both be forced to return to Ethiopia – even though they are on the approved list to move here and start their new lives. But sending them back would not only be a theater of the absurd, it would send a disheartening message to all those long-suffering Ethiopians seeking freedom and the chance to live as Jews in a Jewish state.
History sends us crises as well as opportunities. Perhaps this is an opportunity for us to do the right thing, to bring all the Ethiopian Jews home, and to proclaim that for us, too, Black Lives Matter.
The writer is director of the Jewish Outreach Center of Ra’anana.
是時候為中國陷入困境的猶太人發聲了
位於黃河南岸約600公里。位於北京西南部的開封至少從公元 7 世紀或 8 世紀開始就一直是猶太人的家園,可能更早。
作者:邁克爾·弗倫德
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 17:44
上山門,古城門重建,開封清明河公園。
(照片來源:MICHAEL FREUND/SHAVEI ISRAEL)
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本月晚些時候,世界各地的猶太人將聚集在遠至德黑蘭、多倫多和東京的地方慶祝光明節。
延續可追溯到第二聖殿時期的傳統,他們將點燃八晚的燈光,回顧古老的奇蹟,並尋求激勵新一代將猶太身份的火炬傳遞到未來。
但今年有一個小社區將無法慶祝這個節日,一個四面楚歌的小團體,其最基本的權利莫名其妙地受到壓制:中國開封的幾百名中國猶太人。
本著我們哈斯蒙尼先人的精神,他們勇敢地高舉了猶太人團結和認同的旗幟,我們有責任大聲抗議並代表他們發聲。
位於黃河南岸約600公里。位於北京西南部的開封至少從公元 7 世紀或 8 世紀開始就一直是猶太人的家園,可能更早。
西牆的基甸扇。(信用:禮貌)
第一批定居在那裡的猶太人是來自波斯或伊拉克的塞法迪姆,他們沿著絲綢之路旅行,得到了中國皇帝的祝福,定居在這座中國古都之一的城市。
猶太社區在開封蓬勃發展,在那裡他們找到了一個寬容和接受的歡迎環境,這與典型的散居猶太人經歷形成鮮明對比。
1163年,開封猶太人建造了一座宏偉而美麗的猶太教堂,隨後歷經數百年的修繕和重建。它的一個模型在特拉維夫的猶太人博物館展出。
在鼎盛時期,在明朝(1368-1644),據說開封猶太人多達 5000 人。
但是,隨著猶太人在 17 世紀開始在社會上獲得更大的聲望,其中一些人在中國公務員中擔任高級職務,同化和通婚的過程開始了,對社區造成了沉重的損失。
因此,到了 1800 年代中期,中國猶太人對猶太教的知識和實踐已經基本消失。該社區的最後一位拉比據信已於 19 世紀早期去世,而在 1840 年代及之後襲擊該市的一系列洪水摧毀了這座驕傲地矗立在開封七個世紀的猶太教堂。
儘管如此,開封的猶太人不顧一切地努力保持他們的猶太人意識,將他們所知道的一點點傳給他們的後代。
如今,在這座擁有超過 450 萬人口的城市中,仍有數百人——也許最多一千人——通過家譜可以識別為猶太社區的後裔。
在 2000 年代初期社區認同短暫開花之後,開封的猶太人突然遭到了從 2014 年開始的前所未有的鎮壓。它關閉。
在隨後的幾年裡,開封的猶太人被禁止在安息日和節日聚集。許多人甚至被迫取下他們家門柱上的 mezuzot。
正如《英國每日電訊報》在 2020 年 12 月報導的那樣,開封當局開展了一項系統的運動,以清除該市猶太社區歷史存在的任何物理痕跡。
曾經吹捧其猶太歷史的開封博物館展品已關閉,猶太教堂的遺跡已被拆除,位於市立醫院的古代 mikveh(儀式浴)遺址已關閉。
由於猶太人不是中國官方承認的少數民族,猶太教也沒有被賦予官方宗教的地位,因此開封猶太人的地位問題對共產黨來說是一個敏感的問題,共產黨將他們視為成熟的漢人。
儘管如此,應該清楚的是,在一個超過14億人口的國家,開封幾百名猶太后裔幾乎不會對中國的社會或政治秩序構成威脅。
然而,儘管以色列和中國之間建立了密切的關係,但這個猶太國家幾乎沒有採取任何行動來抗議對開封猶太人的待遇。就目前所知,以色列駐北京大使館沒有與社區接觸,也沒有尋求向中國政權辯護。
美國猶太人的領導層也是如此,多年來他們一直保持著震耳欲聾的沉默。
不能允許這種情況繼續下去。我們不能也絕不能拋棄開封猶太人或將他們犧牲在中國經濟實力的祭壇上。
他們中的許多人在非常困難的情況下盡其所能重新與他們的猶太遺產建立聯繫。但在共產黨人監視他們的活動和恐嚇他們的監視下,開封的猶太人和他們的歷史正在慢慢地、無情地被扼殺。
Tractate Shabbat 21b 中的 Talmud 在討論光明節時說,成人禮是把燈放在“外面房子的入口處”,但它也指出,“在危險的時候,裡面有一盞燈,那就是充足的。”
可悲的是,除非以色列國和世界猶太人大聲疾呼,抗議開封猶太人的待遇,否則他們將被迫在窗簾和鎖著的門後點燃光明節蠟燭,因為他們真的生活在“時代”。的危險。”
作者是 Shavei Israel ( www.shavei.org )的創始人和董事長,該組織幫助失落的部落和隱藏的猶太社區回歸猶太人民。
It’s time to speak out for China’s beleaguered Jews
Located along the southern banks of the Yellow River some 600 km. southwest of Beijing, Kaifeng has been home to Jews since at least the 7th or 8th century CE, and possibly earlier.
By MICHAEL FREUND
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 17:44
SHANGSHAN GATE, reconstruction of ancient city gate, Qingming River Park, Kaifeng.
(photo credit: MICHAEL FREUND/SHAVEI ISRAEL)
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Later this month, Jews around the world will gather to celebrate the festival of Hanukkah in places as far afield as Tehran, Toronto and Tokyo.
Continuing a tradition dating back to the Second Temple period, they will kindle lights for eight nights, recalling the miracles of old and seeking to inspire a new generation to carry the torch of Jewish identity into the future.
But there is one small community that will be unable to mark the festival this year, a tiny, beleaguered group whose most basic rights are inexplicably being repressed: the few hundred remaining Chinese Jews of Kaifeng, China.
And in the spirit of our Hasmonean forbears, who bravely hoisted the banner of Jewish solidarity and identity, it is incumbent upon us to raise our voices in protest and speak out on their behalf.
Located along the southern banks of the Yellow River some 600 km. southwest of Beijing, Kaifeng has been home to Jews since at least the 7th or 8th century CE, and possibly earlier.
Gideon Fan at the Western Wall. (credit: Courtesy)
The first Jews to settle there were Sephardim from Persia or Iraq who traveled along the Silk Road and received the Chinese emperor’s blessing to reside in the city, which was one of China’s ancient capitals.
The Jewish community prospered in Kaifeng, where they found a welcoming environment of tolerance and acceptance, in sharp contrast to the typical Diaspora Jewish experience.
In 1163, Kaifeng’s Jews built a large and beautiful synagogue, which was subsequently renovated and rebuilt down through the centuries. A model of it is on display at Tel Aviv’s Museum of the Jewish People.
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At its peak, during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), Kaifeng Jewry is said to have numbered as many as 5,000 people.
But as Jews began to attain greater prominence in society by the 17th century, with some reaching high ranks in the Chinese civil service, a process of assimilation and intermarriage set in, wreaking a heavy toll on the community.
Consequently, by the mid-1800s, the Chinese Jews’ knowledge and practice of Judaism had largely faded away. The last rabbi of the community is believed to have died in the early part of the 19th century, and the synagogue that had proudly stood in Kaifeng for seven centuries was destroyed by a series of floods that struck the city in the 1840s and thereafter.
Nevertheless, against all odds, Kaifeng’s Jews struggled to preserve their sense of Jewishness, passing down whatever little they knew to their progeny.
Nowadays, in this city of over 4.5 million, there are still several hundred people – perhaps a thousand at most – who are identifiable via family trees as descendants of the Jewish community.
AFTER A brief flowering of communal identity in the early 2000s, Kaifeng’s Jews were suddenly hit with unprecedented repression starting in 2014. During the Passover holiday, local authorities raided a Jewish center in Kaifeng that was operated by Shavei Israel, the organization I chair and forced it to close.
In subsequent years, additional measures were taken with Kaifeng’s Jews being prohibited from gathering on the Sabbath and festivals. Many were even forced to take down the mezuzot on the doorposts of their homes.
And as the UK Daily Telegraph reported in December 2020, Kaifeng’s authorities have undertaken a systematic campaign to erase any physical trace of the Jewish community’s historical presence in the city.
Museum exhibits in Kaifeng which once touted its Jewish history have been closed, the remains of the synagogue have been removed and the site of the ancient mikveh (ritual bath), located at a municipal hospital, has been shuttered.
Since Jews are not an officially recognized minority group in China and Judaism is not accorded the status of an official religion, the question of Kaifeng Jewry’s status is a sensitive one for the Communist regime, which views them as full-fledged Han Chinese.
Nonetheless, it should be clear that in a country of over 1.4 billion people, a few hundred Jewish descendants in Kaifeng hardly pose a threat to China’s social or political order.
And yet, despite the close ties that have developed between Israel and China, the Jewish state has done virtually nothing to protest the treatment of Kaifeng’s Jews. As far as is known, the Israeli embassy in Beijing does not reach out to the community nor does it seek to plead their cause with the Chinese regime.
And the same holds true for the American Jewish leadership, which has remained deafeningly silent over the years.
This cannot be allowed to continue. We cannot and must not abandon the Kaifeng Jews or sacrifice them on the altar of Chinese economic power.
Many of them are doing the best they can under very difficult circumstances to reconnect with their Jewish heritage. But under the watchful eyes of the Communists, who monitor their activities and intimidate them, Kaifeng’s Jews and their history are slowly and inexorably being snuffed out.
In its discussion of Hanukkah, the Talmud in Tractate Shabbat 21b says that the mitzvah is to place the lights, “at the entrance to one’s house outside,” but it also states that, “in times of danger, one lights inside and that is sufficient.”
Sadly, unless the State of Israel and world Jewry speak up with a loud and clear voice and protest the treatment of Kaifeng’s Jews, they will be forced to kindle the Hanukkah candles behind shrouded curtains and locked doors, for they are truly living in “times of danger.”
The writer is the founder and chairman of Shavei Israel (www.shavei.org), which assists lost tribes and hidden Jewish communities to return to the Jewish people.
以色列國防軍不再是人民軍隊,是時候更好地支付士兵了-意見
為什麼以色列國繼續認為向士兵支付最低工資的一小部分是可以的,這是由於對兵役的不合時宜的看法。
作者:雅科夫·卡茨
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 20:26
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 19 日 14:30
以色列士兵在西牆祈禱。他們會繼續為這麼少的薪水服務嗎?
(照片來源:OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90)
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兩年前,四五十萬以色列人(佔全國的一半)飛往海外,出國度假、出差或參加家庭活動。如果不是因為全球大流行顛覆了我們的生活,預計 2020 年這一數字還會增加。
上週,當我與一位以色列國防軍高級將軍談論為什麼在新的國家預算下沒有增加士兵的工資時,我想到了這一點。談話的重點是對參謀長中將的批評。Aviv Kohavi與財政部爭取增加職業官員的養老金支付。
他捍衛的養老金;但是服兵役的士兵的工資呢?不。
“我們不稱之為工資,”該官員糾正我。“我們稱之為生活成本。”
這就是問題所在。士兵被視為一種不需要經濟補償的資源。因此,非戰鬥士兵每月可以支付大約 900 新謝克爾,戰鬥士兵大約為 1,600 新謝克爾。
以色列貨幣的說明照片(來源:MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)
以色列的每個人都知道這還不夠。當士兵們週末回家時,他們會和朋友出去玩。他們需要錢買汽油、食物、娛樂、衣服和手機。這是最少的。
最近幾週,我在 Walla News 的同事 Amir Bohbot 廣泛報導了增加工資的鬥爭,強調了 IDF 的錯誤優先事項;在某些情況下,食物是完全不能吃的,迫使士兵們花更多的錢。剩下的誰來補?父母。
官員給我的解釋不僅僅是語義。它掩蓋了以色列政治梯隊和以色列國防軍指揮官之間的文化鴻溝——他們將義務兵役的士兵視為廉價勞動力——與士兵本身之間的文化鴻溝,他們中的許多人已經受夠了。
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為什麼以色列國繼續認為向士兵支付最低工資的一小部分是可以的——這應該在未來幾年增加到 6,000 新謝克爾——這與以色列服兵役的不合時宜的觀點有關,以及拒絕看到現實是什麼。
這就是 2019 年旅行數字的適用範圍。我問過這名軍官是什麼時候入伍以色列國防軍的。他說,1992 年他被選入海軍。然後我問他在被選拔之前是否曾想過在學校放假期間坐上飛機飛往歐洲幾天。當然不是,他回答。
我的經歷是一樣的。在 1998 年被選中之前,我在 yeshiva 呆了一年。沒有廉價航班可以快速前往歐洲。我們大多數人甚至還沒有手機。
這就是現在被選入以色列國防軍的年輕人與像這位軍官、我自己和其他在 1980 年代和 90 年代服役的人之間的區別。
不要誤會我的意思。這是一個積極的發展。技術和社交媒體以及國際旅行的便捷性和低成本使世界變得更小,聯繫也更緊密。曾經看似遙不可及的東西,如今已觸手可及。
這些年輕人並不天真,看看他們的同行在世界各地做什麼。他們看著美國人去上大學,當歐洲人去工作或旅行時,他們想知道為什麼他們要把一生中最美好的時光奉獻給這個國家。
他們也不必看那麼遠。在今天的以色列,只有大約 50% 的 18 歲青少年加入了以色列國防軍。未入伍的 50% 主要由 haredim 和以色列-阿拉伯人組成——他們都是少數人——以及世俗和民族宗教青年,他們找到了擺脫服務的方法,不受不再存在的污名的影響。
雇主過去要求將服兵役作為招聘標準的想法是一個長期被遺忘的記憶。如今,您需要做的就是有動力和一些技術經驗。這已經綽綽有餘了。如果你會編碼?直接走到隊伍的最前面。
軍隊和政府在承認這一現實方面猶豫不決,因為一旦他們承認,政治家和將軍們將不得不開始埋葬以色列國防軍是人民軍隊的想法。半個國家不服役怎麼可能是人民軍隊?這很荒謬。
但是,我們的將軍和政客們沒有談論它,也沒有討論需要改變的地方,而是把頭埋在沙子裡。
他們不想觸及熱點問題,因為談論它幾乎是褻瀆神靈:將以色列國防軍作為人民軍隊的想法觸及了以色列近 74 年前成立時的精神核心。IDF 應該有一個普遍和平等的強制性草案。
但現在是誠實承認兩個簡單事實的時候了。一是以色列國防軍不再是人民軍隊。不可能有這麼多人躲避選秀。二是今天的青年不是昔日的青年。是的,他們才華橫溢,令人驚嘆,並且能夠掌握我們老年人不知道存在的技能。
但與此同時,他們是在以色列歷史上最安全、最繁榮和最安全的時期長大的。除了偶爾在加沙進行的行動——通常不會看到部隊越過敵線——他們不知道戰爭。他們聽說過在第二次起義期間經常發生爆炸的公共汽車和咖啡店的故事,但他們要么沒有活著,要么不記得了。
他們加入以色列國防軍的動機並非出於拯救國家的意識,或者他們需要守住戈蘭高地的防線以防止敘利亞人再次入侵。這在 60 年代、70 年代,甚至在 80 年代和 90 年代在某種程度上是一種感覺,但它已經改變了,顯然,這是一種積極的發展。
相反,近年來加入以色列國防軍並將在未來幾年被徵召入伍的年輕人在成長過程中相信以色列強大,擁有強大的軍隊,是中東及其他地區最強大的軍隊。他們是對的。我們還有威脅和敵人想要毀滅我們嗎?當然。但是我們有足夠的力量來對抗他們嗎?還有,是的。
這不是解散以色列國防軍的呼籲。絕不。這更像是一種認識現實的呼籲,開始討論我們在以色列想要擁有什麼樣的軍隊,以及我們想要如何對待我們的士兵和退伍軍人。
我們是否可以繼續認為他們的服務是理所當然的,並假設人們會繼續入伍,而今天有二分之一的 18 歲年輕人不是?如果我們繼續強制匯票,我們是否應該假設我們幾乎可以繼續支付給他們一分錢,而理想和猶太復國主義將填補他們銀行賬戶中的空白?
我認識到這是一個複雜而敏感的問題,它觸及了作為以色列人意味著什麼以及軍隊在社會中扮演什麼角色的核心。
誠然,兵役可以是一種令人難以置信的改變人生的體驗,可以塑造性格並為人生旅途做出貢獻。但現在是討論替代方案的時候了。還有其他選擇。
以色列可以決定不再徵召所有人,而只徵召它想要和需要的人,並且這些軍人在服役期間將獲得可觀的報酬,在退伍時將獲得與 GI 法案式的福利。
以色列可以決定,雖然它不會徵召所有人,但它會建立一個國家招募中心,將一些人送到以色列國防軍,一些人則為各種形式的國民服役。這是國防部長本尼·甘茨 (Benny Gantz) 已經要求以色列國防軍人力部開始探索的想法。
現在是我們作為一個國家開始這些討論的時候了。放棄舊的傳統和理想是可以理解的,但現實總是更強大。Kohavi 現在有機會實現真正的改變。以色列士兵應該得到更好的待遇。
IDF is no longer a people’s army, time to pay soldiers better - opinion
Why the State of Israel continues to think it's okay to pay soldiers a fraction of minimum wage is due anachronistic view of military service.
By YAAKOV KATZ
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 20:26
Updated: NOVEMBER 19, 2021 14:30
ISRAELI SOLDIERS pray at the Western Wall. Will they continue serving for such little pay?
(photo credit: OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90)
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Two years ago, four-and-a-half million Israelis – half the nation – flew overseas, leaving the country for vacation, a work trip, or a family event. The number was expected to increase in 2020 had it not been for the global pandemic that overturned our lives.
I thought of that last week when speaking with a senior IDF general about why salaries for soldiers did not increase under the new state budget. The conversation focused on the criticism leveled at Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Aviv Kohavi for fighting with the Treasury to increase pension payments for career officers.
Pensions he defended; but salaries for soldiers in their compulsory service? No.
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“We don’t call it salaries,” the officer corrected me. “We call it subsistence costs.”
And therein lies the problem. Soldiers are looked at as a resource that does not need to be financially compensated. So non-combat soldiers can be paid around NIS 900 a month, and combat soldiers around NIS 1,600.
Illustrative photo of Israeli money (credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)
Everyone in Israel knows that this is not enough. When soldiers come home on the weekend, they go hang out with friends. They need money for gas, food, entertainment, clothes, and their phones. And that is the least of it.
My colleague at Walla News, Amir Bohbot, has in recent weeks extensively covered the battle for increased salaries, highlighting the IDF’s wrong set of priorities; how on some bases the food is completely inedible, forcing soldiers to spend even more of the little money they receive. Who fills in the rest? Parents.
The explanation the officer gave me is more than just semantics. It covers up a cultural divide between Israel’s political echelon and IDF commanders – who view soldiers doing compulsory service as cheap labor – and the soldiers themselves, so many of whom are fed up.
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Why the State of Israel continues to think that it is okay to pay soldiers a fraction of minimum wage – which is supposed to rise in the coming years to NIS 6,000 – has to do with an anachronistic view of military service in Israel, and a refusal to see reality for what it is.
This is where the travel numbers from 2019 fit in. I asked the officer when he enlisted in the IDF. He was drafted into the Navy, he said, in 1992. I then asked whether he ever thought before he was drafted of getting on a plane and flying to Europe for a few days over a school break. Of course not, he responded.
My experience was the same. I spent a year in yeshiva before being drafted in 1998. There were no low-cost flights to jump on for a quick getaway to Europe. Most of us still didn’t even have a cellphone.
And that is the difference between young adults drafted into the IDF now and those like this officer, myself and others who served in the 1980s and ’90s.
Don’t get me wrong. This is a positive development. The world is smaller and indeed more closely connected, made possible by technology and social media but also by the ease and low-cost of international travel. What once seemed out of reach is today at the fingertips of every young adult.
These same young adults are not naïve, and see what their counterparts are doing around the world. They watch as Americans go off to college, as Europeans go to work or travel, and they wonder why they are giving some of the best years of their life to the country.
They also don’t have to look that far. In Israel today, only around 50% of 18-year-olds enlist in the IDF. The 50% not enlisting consists mostly of haredim and Israeli-Arabs – who both draft in small numbers – as well as secular and national-religious youth who find ways out of service undeterred by a stigma that doesn’t exist anymore.
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The idea that employers used to require military service as a standard for hiring is a long-forgotten memory. Nowadays, all you need to do is come with motivation and some tech experience. That is more than enough. And if you can code? Go straight to the front of the line.
Part of the army and the government’s hesitancy in acknowledging this reality is that the moment they do, the politicians and generals will have to start burying the idea of the IDF being a people’s army. How can it be a people’s army when half the country does not serve? It’s absurd.
But instead of talking about it, instead of debating what needs to change, our generals and politicians are burying their heads in the sand.
They don’t want to touch the hot issue since it is almost blasphemous to talk about: the idea of the IDF as a people’s army goes to the very core of the ethos of what Israel was about when it was founded almost 74 years ago. The IDF was supposed to have a universal and egalitarian compulsory draft.
But it is time to be honest and recognize two simple facts. One is that the IDF is no longer a people’s army. It can’t be when so many people dodge the draft. And two is that the youth of today are not the youth of yesteryear. Yes, they are talented, amazing, and capable of skills that us older folks did not know existed.
But at the same time, they have been raised in a period of Israel’s history that is the safest, most prosperous and most secure ever. Besides the occasional operation in Gaza – which usually does not see troops crossing enemy lines – they do not know war. They have heard the stories of the buses and coffee shops that used to regularly explode during the Second Intifada, but they were either not alive or do not remember.
Their motivation to enlist in the IDF is not out of a sense of saving the country, or that they are needed to hold the line on the Golan Heights to keep Syrians from invading once again. That was the feeling in the ’60s, the ’70s, and even in the ’80s and ’90s to some extent, but it has changed, and obviously, that is a positive development.
Instead, the youth that enlisted in the IDF in recent years, and will be drafted in the years to come, have grown up with the belief that Israel is strong and has a powerful military, the most powerful in the Middle East and beyond. And they are right. Do we still have threats and enemies that seek our destruction? Of course. But are we strong enough to confront them? Also, yes.
This a not a call to disband the IDF. Never. It is more a call to recognize reality, to begin discussing what type of military we in Israel want to have, and how we want to treat our soldiers and veterans.
Can we continue to take their service for granted, and assume that people will keep on enlisting when one out of two 18-year-olds today are not? And if we continue the mandatory draft, should we assume that we can keep paying them almost nothing, and that ideals and Zionism will fill the void in their bank accounts?
I recognize that this is a complicated and sensitive issue that strikes at the core of what it means to be an Israeli, and what role the army serves in society.
Granted, military service can be an incredible life-transformative experience that builds character and contributes to the journey through life. But it is time to discuss the alternatives. And there are alternatives.
Israel can decide that it will no longer draft everyone but only the people it wants and needs, and that these servicemen and women will receive respectable compensation while serving and GI Bill-style benefits when discharged.
Israel can decide that while it won’t draft everyone, it will set up a national recruitment center that will send some to the IDF and some to various forms of national service. This is an idea that Defense Minister Benny Gantz has already asked the IDF Manpower Division to start exploring.
It is time we begin these discussions as a country. It is understandably difficult to give up old traditions and ideals, but reality will always be stronger. Kohavi has an opportunity now to effect real change. Israel’s soldiers deserve better.
阿根廷婦女在未經治療的情況下治癒了艾滋病毒
來自阿根廷東北部城市埃斯佩蘭薩的一名婦女成為第二個記錄在案的從她的身體中根除這種致命病毒的病例。
通過耶路撒冷郵報STAFF
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 19 日 06:02
來自培養的淋巴細胞的 HIV-1 出芽(綠色)的掃描電子顯微照片。
(圖片來源:VIA WIKIMEDIA COMMONS)
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阿根廷的一名婦女僅靠她的免疫系統就治癒了艾滋病毒,這使她成為全球歷史上第二例未經治療而治愈艾滋病毒的病例。
這名來自阿根廷東北部城市埃斯佩蘭薩的婦女似乎已經從她的身體中根除了這種致命病毒,這將使她成為第二例在沒有藥物、幹細胞療法或其他實驗性治療幫助的情況下治癒的艾滋病毒病例,根據發表在同行評審醫學雜誌JAMA Internal Medicine 上的研究。
阿根廷和美國馬薩諸塞州的研究人員從 2017 年到 2020 年收集了患者的血液樣本,仔細掃描了超過 10 億個細胞的 DNA,以尋找 HIV 病毒細胞。該研究由麻省理工學院和哈佛大學麻省總醫院拉根研究所的徐宇博士領導。
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“這讓我們希望人類免疫系統足夠強大,可以控制艾滋病毒並消滅所有功能性病毒,”於博士說。“時間會證明一切,但我們相信她已經達到了絕育的方法。”
研究人員仍然不確定患者的身體如何能夠明顯地清除自己的 HIV 病毒——這是最難從人體中根除的病毒之一。“我們認為這是不同免疫機制的組合——可能涉及細胞毒性 T 細胞(破壞病毒感染細胞、腫瘤細胞和組織移植物的細胞),先天免疫機制也可能有所貢獻,”於在一封電子郵件中寫道。
在培養的淋巴細胞中生長的人類免疫缺陷病毒 (HIV) 的掃描電子顯微照片。(來源:VIA WIKIMEDIA COMMONS)
另一個已知的似乎從侵襲性HIV病毒中治癒了自己的患者是 67 歲的加利福尼亞婦女,名叫 Loreen Willenberg。即使在 2020 年對她的數十億個細胞進行測序後,科學家們也找不到任何完整的病毒序列。
這兩人是 HIV 病毒的“精英控制者”——估計每 200 名 HIV 感染者中就有 1 人的自身免疫系統能夠在沒有抗逆轉錄病毒藥物的情況下以某種方式將病毒的複制抑製到非常低的水平。於博士撰寫了一篇關於所謂的精英控制者的論文。
“這篇論文很好地展示了現在可以進行的分析的複雜程度,”南加州大學凱克醫學院研究 HIV 和基因編輯的分子微生物學家保拉·坎農 (Paula Cannon) 告訴健康導向新聞出版統計。“找到一個精英控制者,她不僅目前沒有在她的體內表現出任何 HIV RNA 病毒,而且看起來她在未來的任何時候都沒有這種潛力,這並不完全令人驚訝,但是這很令人興奮。”
老公千元直播選料竟開出百萬翡翠!網友驚呼:怎麼做到的?Sponsored by 珠寶閣
HIV 是導致稱為 AIDS 的自身免疫缺陷病的病毒,它使人體免疫系統極易感染 COVID-19 等其他疾病。去年,全世界大約有 3800 萬人感染了艾滋病毒,全球約有 690,000 人死於與艾滋病相關的疾病。
Argentina woman cured of HIV without treatment
A woman from the northeast Argentinian city of Esperanza become the second documented case to have eradicated the deadly virus from her body.
By JERUSALEM POST STAFF
Published: NOVEMBER 19, 2021 06:02
Scanning electron micrograph of HIV-1 budding (in green) from cultured lymphocyte.
(photo credit: VIA WIKIMEDIA COMMONS)
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A woman in Argentina has been cured of HIV solely by her immune system, making her only the second documented case of someone cured of HIV without treatments in global history.
The woman, who is from the northeast Argentinian city of Esperanza, appears to have eradicated the deadly virus from her body, which would make her only the second documented HIV case cured without the help of drugs, stem cell therapy, or other experimental treatments, according to research published in the peer-reviewed medical journal JAMA Internal Medicine.
Researchers in Argentina and Massachusetts, USA collected blood samples from the patient from 2017 to 2020, meticulously scanning the DNA of more than a billion cells for HIV virus cells. The study was led by Dr. Xu Yu of the Ragon Institute of Massachusetts General Hospital, MIT and Harvard.
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“This gives us hope that the human immune system is powerful enough to control HIV and eliminate all the functional virus,” said Dr. Yu. “Time will tell, but we believe she has reached a sterilizing cure.”
The researchers remain unsure as to how the patient's body was able to apparently rid itself of the HIV virus – among the most difficult to eradicate from the human body. "We think it's a combination of different immune mechanisms -- cytotoxic T cells (cells that destroy virus-infected cells, tumor cells, and tissue grafts) are likely involved, innate immune mechanisms may also have contributed," Yu wrote in an email.
Scanning electron micrograph of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), grown in cultured lymphocytes. (credit: VIA WIKIMEDIA COMMONS)
The only other known case of a patient who seemingly cured themselves from the aggressive HIV virus is 67-year old California woman named Loreen Willenberg. Even after sequencing billions of her cells in 2020, scientists could not find any intact viral sequences.
The two are among “elite controllers” of the HIV virus– the estimated 1 in 200 people with HIV whose own immune systems are somehow able to suppress the virus’s replication to very low levels without antiretrovirals. Dr. Yu authored a paper about the so-called elite controllers.
“This paper is a nice showcase of the level of sophistication of the analyses that can be done now,” Paula Cannon, a molecular microbiologist who studies HIV and gene editing at the University of Southern California’s Keck School of Medicine, told health-oriented news publication STAT. “Finding somebody who is an elite controller who not only is currently not exhibiting any HIV RNA viruses in her body, but also doesn’t look like she has the potential to do that any time in the future, isn’t exactly surprising, but it is exciting.”
老公千元直播選料竟開出百萬翡翠!網友驚呼:怎麼做到的?Sponsored by 珠寶閣
HIV is the virus that causes the Auto immunodeficiency disease known as AIDS, which leaves the human immune system highly susceptible to other illnesses such as COVID-19. Roughly 38 million people are living with HIV infection around the world and around 690,000 people died from AIDS-related illnesses worldwide last year.
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Manage episode 307598389 series 2948782
2021.11.20 國際新聞導讀-伊朗抱怨IAEA太過政治化、巴勒斯坦政府受歡迎度降到歷史新低,世界各國援助巴勒斯坦金額也降到最低、美國猶太人的認同是白種猶太人?應該是少數民族才對。以色列對義務役士兵的超低薪資引發爭議
在法國敦促其採取行動後,伊朗呼籲國際原子能機構非政治化
聯合國機構對伊朗沒有與監測員充分合作的抱怨可能會使恢復核協議變得更加困難。
通過路透
伊朗週五呼籲聯合國核監督機構非政治化,此前法國曾敦促該組織就爭議核活動和缺乏合作“向德黑蘭發出強烈信息”。
在國際原子能機構的35個國家管理委員會即將開始在維也納會議11月24日,舉行會談的前五天是由於恢復與全球大國復興伊朗的核合作協議。
聯合國機構對伊朗沒有與監察員充分合作的抱怨可能會使恢復該協議變得更加困難,根據該協議,伊朗接受對其核計劃的限制,以換取解除國際制裁。
“作為國際原子能機構負責任的成員,伊朗一直強調,國際原子能機構作為聯合國技術和專門機構的聲譽必須不受任何政治行為的影響,”伊朗外交部在推特上發表聲明說。
法國外交部發言人安妮-克萊爾勒讓德週四表示,監管機構的管理委員會應該採取行動,此前機構報告強調了德黑蘭核計劃的問題。西方國家說他們擔心它有軍事目的,而德黑蘭則堅稱它純粹是和平的。
2021 年 5 月 24 日,在奧地利維也納,在冠狀病毒病 (COVID-19) 大流行期間,伊朗國旗飄揚在國際原子能機構總部所在的聯合國辦公大樓前。(來源:LISI NIESNER/REUTERS)
根據國際原子能機構週三的報告,伊朗仍未准許國際原子能機構檢查員進入它兩個月前承諾在一個車間重新安裝監控攝像頭,該車間是 6 月份明顯遭到破壞的地點。
勒讓德表示,伊朗“必須毫不拖延地重新履行其對國際原子能機構的所有承諾和義務,恢復與該機構的合作,並重新全面實施”2015 年核協議。
她沒有澄清她所說的強烈信息是什麼意思。外交官們表示,在重啟核協議的談判恢復之前,西方大國不太可能對伊朗採取行動。
威廉千元直播選料竟開出百萬翡翠! 網友驚呼:怎麼做到的?由珠寶閣贊助
在德黑蘭同意延長對一些核活動的監測並邀請國際原子能機構負責人拉斐爾·格羅西到德黑蘭進行會談之後,西方大國在 9 月取消了國際原子能機構理事會譴責伊朗的決議的計劃。格羅西將在原子能機構理事會會議之前再次抵達德黑蘭。
Iran calls for depoliticization of IAEA after France urges it to act
Complaints from the UN body that Iran has not fully cooperated with monitors could make it more difficult to revive the nuclear deal.
By REUTERS
Published: NOVEMBER 19, 2021 10:44
IAEA DIRECTOR-GENERAL Rafael Grossi speaks at a news conference during a Board of Governors meeting in Vienna in September.
(photo credit: Leonhard Foeger/Reuters)
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Iran called on Friday for the depoliticization of the UN nuclear watchdog, after France had urged the organization to "send a strong message to Tehran" over disputed nuclear activities and a lack of cooperation.
The International Atomic Energy Agency’s 35-nation governing board is due to begin meeting on Nov. 24 in Vienna, five days before talks are due to resume on reviving Iran's nuclear deal with global powers.
Complaints from the UN body that Iran has not fully cooperated with monitors could make it more difficult to revive the agreement, under which Iran accepted curbs on its nuclear program in return for the lifting of international sanctions.
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"As a responsible member of the International Atomic Energy Agency, Iran has always emphasized that the IAEA's reputation as a technical and specialized body of the United Nations must be free of any political conduct," said an Iranian Foreign Ministry statement in a Twitter feed.
French Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Anne-Claire Legendre had said on Thursday that the watchdog's governing board should act, after agency reports highlighted issues over Tehran's nuclear program. Western nations say they fear it has military aims while Tehran insists it is purely peaceful.
Iranian flag flies in front of the UN office building, housing IAEA headquarters, amid the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, in Vienna, Austria, May 24, 2021. (credit: LISI NIESNER/ REUTERS)
According to IAEA reports on Wednesday, Iran had still not granted IAEA inspectors access it promised two months ago to re-install monitoring cameras at a workshop that was the site of apparent sabotage in June.
Legendre said Iran "must return without delay to fulfilling all its commitments and obligations to the IAEA, resume cooperation with the agency and return to full implementation" of the 2015 nuclear deal.
She did not clarify what she meant by a strong message. Diplomats have said it is unlikely Western powers would take action against Iran before the negotiations on reviving the nuclear accord resume.
Western powers scrapped plans in September for an IAEA board resolution rebuking Iran, after Tehran agreed to prolong monitoring of some nuclear activities and invited IAEA chief Rafael Grossi to Tehran for talks. Grossi is again due in Tehran ahead of the IAEA board meeting.
PA在巴勒斯坦人中的受歡迎程度創歷史新低
巴勒斯坦事務:金融危機和執法不力給拉馬拉帶來了不好的情緒。
由哈利·阿布·托梅
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 21:30
巴勒斯坦人上週在拉馬拉遊行,紀念巴勒斯坦領導人亞西爾·阿拉法特逝世 17 週年。
(圖片來源:FLASH90)
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過去一周,巴勒斯坦人紀念了三件“歷史性”事件。
第一,前巴解組織領導人亞西爾·阿拉法特逝世 17 週年,他於 2004 年 11 月 11 日去世。第二,阿拉法特於 1988 年 11 月 15 日在阿爾及爾宣布巴勒斯坦獨立宣言 33 週年。第三,巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯的生日也是在 11 月 15 日,他 86 歲。
前兩次的集會規模相對較小,其中大部分在西岸舉行。然而,阿巴斯的生日卻無人注意。他的助手指出,他沒有慶祝生日的習慣,至少沒有在公共場合慶祝。
按照過去的慣例,阿巴斯在阿拉法特逝世和巴勒斯坦獨立宣言的周年紀念日向其前任在拉馬拉的墳墓敬獻花圈,重申他對組建巴勒斯坦統一政府的承諾,同時譴責以色列涉嫌破壞兩國解決方案和“殺害無辜兒童”。
在過去的一周裡,阿巴斯在拉馬拉的穆卡塔總統府邸的氣氛並不樂觀。
馬哈茂德·阿巴斯總統於 2020 年 8 月 18 日在以色列佔領的約旦河西岸拉馬拉的一次會議上做手勢。(來源:REUTERS/MOHAMAD TOROKMAN)
巴勒斯坦權力機構正面臨嚴重的金融危機,主要是由於國際社會的財政援助急劇減少。
巴勒斯坦權力機構表示,這場危機也是以色列從其代表巴勒斯坦人徵收的稅收中扣除數百萬謝克爾的政策的結果。扣除額相當於巴勒斯坦權力機構向因對以色列人發動恐怖襲擊而被以色列殺害或監禁的巴勒斯坦人家屬支付的金額。
巴勒斯坦官員說,金融危機是巴勒斯坦權力機構近年來面臨的最嚴重的危機之一。
巴勒斯坦權力機構總理穆罕默德·施泰耶本週前往挪威參加一年一度的巴勒斯坦權力機構捐助國會議。訪問前夕,施泰耶表示,他將敦促捐助國增加對巴勒斯坦權力機構的財政援助,並施壓以色列停止從巴勒斯坦人的稅收中扣除付款的政策。
但拉馬拉的一位高級官員本週表示,他對 Shtayyeh 成功完成任務的可能性並不樂觀。
“我們從歐洲捐助者那裡收到的信息並不令人鼓舞,”這位官員說。“他們忙於自己的問題,尤其是在冠狀病毒爆發的情況下。我們被告知,我們需要等到明年才能恢復財政援助。”
與此同時,巴勒斯坦官員表示,他們也對拜登政府未能兌現其重新向巴勒斯坦權力機構提供財政援助的承諾感到失望。
“美國人告訴我們,我們需要耐心,”另一位巴勒斯坦高級官員說。“拜登政府似乎正試圖在不違反美國法律的情況下尋找恢復財政援助的方法,尤其是泰勒部隊法案,該法案因向囚犯和烈士的家屬付款而停止了對巴勒斯坦權力機構的經濟援助。”
週三晚上,阿巴斯在辦公室會見了美國駐聯合國大使琳達·托馬斯-格林菲爾德,再次指責以色列政府破壞兩國解決方案。他說,巴勒斯坦人期待美國政府兌現承諾,包括重新開放美國駐耶路撒冷領事館,以及對兩國解決方案的承諾。
巴勒斯坦人不僅對拜登政府感到失望,對阿拉伯國家也感到失望。巴勒斯坦權力機構一再呼籲阿拉伯政府履行其向巴勒斯坦人提供數億美元援助的承諾已被置若罔聞。
據巴勒斯坦官員稱,自今年年初以來,巴勒斯坦權力機構沒有收到來自阿拉伯國家的資金。在簽署亞伯拉罕協議後,巴勒斯坦人和幾個阿拉伯國家,特別是海灣國家之間的緊張局勢,這並不令人意外。
巴勒斯坦人正在為反复襲擊與以色列簽署正常化協議的阿拉伯國家付出代價。在各種社交媒體平台上,巴勒斯坦人被他們的阿拉伯兄弟斥為“忘恩負義的人”,“在巴勒斯坦問題上進行販賣”。
毫不奇怪,阿巴斯沒有收到大多數阿拉伯總統和君主在巴勒斯坦獨立宣言發表 33 週年之際向他表示祝賀的消息。
據巴勒斯坦權力機構官方通訊社報導,阿巴斯收到了許多世界領導人的“賀電”,其中包括中國、馬里、毛里塔尼亞、哈薩克斯坦、馬拉維、尼加拉瓜、馬耳他和烏茲別克斯坦的總統。到週四,來自阿拉伯世界的唯一電報來自約旦、埃及、阿爾及利亞和摩洛哥。
值得注意的是,雖然大多數阿拉伯國家已經背棄了巴勒斯坦人,但以色列正在直接轉向巴勒斯坦權力機構。
以色列正試圖說服捐助國恢復對巴勒斯坦權力機構的財政援助。據報導,以色列甚至要求拜登政府向阿拉伯國家施壓,要求恢復對巴勒斯坦人的財政援助。
以色列有充分的理由擔心巴勒斯坦權力機構可能崩潰。最近幾週,越來越多的跡象表明巴勒斯坦權力機構開始失去對希伯倫和西岸北部一些地區的控制,尤其是傑寧。
希伯倫敵對部族之間的日常衝突讓該市的居民懷疑巴勒斯坦權力機構是否仍在控制局勢。巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊一直無法阻止蒙面槍手縱火焚燒希伯倫的幾家商店、房屋和車輛。一些絕望的希伯倫居民以前所未有的舉動呼籲阿卜杜拉國王派遣約旦軍隊前往他們的城市停止戰鬥。
“向約旦國王阿卜杜拉發出呼籲的目的是向巴勒斯坦權力機構發出警告,”來自希伯倫的商人艾哈邁德·賈巴里 (Ahmad Ja'bari) 說。“希伯倫人民想讓巴勒斯坦權力機構難堪,因為它沒有採取任何措施來保護他們和他們的財產。這裡的感覺是,巴勒斯坦權力機構對執行法律和秩序不感興趣,因為許多歹徒都隸屬於其執政的法塔赫派系。”
上週五在傑寧發生的事情更加令人不安,不僅對巴勒斯坦權力機構如此,對以色列也是如此。
數十名哈馬斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織槍手以及數千名巴勒斯坦人參加了上週死于冠狀病毒並發症的哈馬斯高級官員瓦斯菲卡巴哈的葬禮。
哈馬斯和 PIJ 槍手在傑寧街頭公開露面,以及葬禮上的大量觀眾,被許多巴勒斯坦人視為對阿巴斯和巴勒斯坦權力機構精心策劃的挑戰。
憤怒的阿巴斯通過解僱傑寧的巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊的指揮官做出回應。據報導,他後來指示他的安全部隊鎮壓約旦河西岸北部的哈馬斯和 PIJ 成員。
上週,Shin Bet 主任 Ronen Bar 和 Abbas 之間的會談的核心是哈馬斯和 PIJ 活動的增加以及巴勒斯坦權力機構控制地區的無法無天和無政府狀態的加劇。
在阿巴斯位於拉馬拉的住所會見期間,雙方同意加強安全協調,打擊哈馬斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭解放陣線的影響,在希伯倫和其他巴勒斯坦社區維護法律和秩序。
但巴爾和阿巴斯之間的會面可能會適得其反,至少就巴勒斯坦權力機構主席而言。
許多巴勒斯坦人不喜歡這樣的會議,他們認為與以色列的安全協調是叛國行為。那些宣傳這次會議的人對阿巴斯造成了進一步的傷害,阿巴斯已經因為他對以色列的“和解”政策而面臨巴勒斯坦人越來越多的批評。最近的民意調查顯示,近80%的巴勒斯坦民眾希望阿巴斯下台。
正是這樣的會議使關於組建巴勒斯坦聯合政府的談話聽起來像一個笑話。哈馬斯不會加入任何與以色列進行民事和安全協調的巴勒斯坦權力機構政府。哈馬斯不會加入任何部長與以色列同行會面的政府。
此外,值得注意的是,哈馬斯領導人一再拒絕阿巴斯提出的將他們納入聯合政府的條件。
在過去的幾周里,阿巴斯表示,如果哈馬斯想加入一個統一政府,它必須承認所有與以色列-阿拉伯衝突有關的國際決議。換句話說,阿巴斯希望哈馬斯承認以色列並接受兩國解決方案。那些相信哈馬斯會在此類爆炸性問題上做出任何讓步的人,是活在幻想之中。
哈馬斯領導人繼續談論“解放全巴勒斯坦”和“加強抵抗”對以色列的必要性。
就阿巴斯而言,他似乎並不急於返回加沙地帶。他似乎也沒有認真對待讓哈馬斯進入他的政府。所謂“民族團結”,主要是針對國內消費的。他想向巴勒斯坦人表明,他不是造成約旦河西岸和加沙地帶分裂的人。
隨著阿巴斯和哈馬斯繼續相互廝殺,以色列與一些阿拉伯國家的關係似乎正在快速向前發展。這些阿拉伯人不再關心巴勒斯坦權力機構關於與以色列正常化的尖刻言論。除了哈馬斯和阿拉伯和西方“反正常化”團體外,唯一擔心以色列與阿拉伯國家和解的人只有阿巴斯和他的高級官員。
儘管阿巴斯可能會嫉妒那些與以色列實現正常化的人,但他知道加入這股潮流會使他的政權垮台。因此,他不得不繼續他的舊雙人遊戲:不斷升級對以色列的修辭攻擊,同時依靠它來防止巴勒斯坦權力機構崩潰。
就歐洲人而言,他們顯然受夠了阿巴斯一再承諾舉行早該舉行的大選、打擊猖獗的腐敗以及結束他的巴勒斯坦權力機構與哈馬斯之間的爭端。他們似乎也對巴勒斯坦權力機構在西岸對巴勒斯坦人犯下的侵犯人權行為感到失望,特別是殺害反腐敗活動家尼扎爾·巴納特(Nizar Banat),他於 6 月被巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員毆打致死。
拜登政府在與巴勒斯坦權力機構和阿巴斯的交往中似乎也保持低調。據說巴勒斯坦權力機構主席對拜登在去年 9 月的聯合國大會期間拒絕在紐約會見他感到失望。由於拜登拒絕與他會面,阿巴斯取消了對紐約的訪問後,在拉馬拉的視頻會議上發表了講話。
受到大多數阿拉伯國家的迴避和越來越多的巴勒斯坦人的厭惡,阿巴斯清楚地得出結論,他生存的關鍵掌握在以色列手中,他和巴勒斯坦權力機構日夜工作以妖魔化以色列。指責它進行種族清洗,殺害無辜的巴勒斯坦人,襲擊伊斯蘭和基督教聖地,並致力於將耶路撒冷“猶太化”
PA popularity among Palestinians at an all-time low
PALESTINIAN AFFAIRS: A financial crisis and a failure to enforce law and order have brought a bad mood to Ramallah.
By KHALED ABU TOAMEH
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 21:30
PALESTINIANS MARCH in Ramallah last week as they mark the 17th anniversary of the death of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat.
(photo credit: FLASH90)
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In the past week, the Palestinians marked three “historic” events.
First, the 17th anniversary of the death of former PLO leader Yasser Arafat, who died on November 11, 2004. Second, the 33rd anniversary of the Palestinian Declaration of Independence, proclaimed by Arafat on November 15, 1988, in Algiers. Third, the birthday of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, who turned 86, also on November 15.
The first two occasions were marked with relatively small rallies, most of which were held in the West Bank. Abbas’s birthday, however, went unnoticed. His aides pointed out that he is not in the habit of celebrating his birthday, at least not in public.
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In keeping with past practice, Abbas marked the anniversary of Arafat’s death and the Palestinian Declaration of Independence by laying a wreath on the tomb of his predecessor in Ramallah and reiterating his commitment to the formation of a Palestinian unity government, while condemning Israel for allegedly undermining the two-state solution and “killing innocent children.”
In the past week, the mood in Abbas’s Mukata presidential compound in Ramallah was anything but upbeat.
President Mahmoud Abbas gestures during a meeting in Ramallah, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank August 18, 2020. (credit: REUTERS/MOHAMAD TOROKMAN)
The PA is facing an acute financial crisis, mainly as a result of a sharp decline in financial aid from the international community.
The PA says that the crisis is also the result of Israel’s policy of deducting millions of shekels from tax revenues it collects on behalf of the Palestinians. The deductions are equivalent to the amount of money the PA pays to families of Palestinians killed or imprisoned by Israel for carrying out terrorist attacks against Israelis.
Palestinian officials say that the financial crisis is one of the worst the PA has faced in recent years.
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PA Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh traveled to Norway this week to participate in a biannual meeting of donor countries to the PA. On the eve of the visit, Shtayyeh said that he will urge the donor countries to increase their financial aid to the PA and pressure Israel to halt its policy of deducting payments from the Palestinians’ tax revenues.
But a senior official in Ramallah said this week that he was not optimistic regarding the chances that Shtayyeh would succeed in his mission.
“The messages we received from the European donors are not encouraging,” the official said. “They are busy with their own problems, especially in light of the outbreak of the coronavirus. We were told that we need to wait until next year for the resumption of the financial aid.”
Meanwhile, Palestinian officials say they are also disappointed with the failure of the Biden administration to fulfill its promise to renew financial aid to the PA.
“The Americans are telling us that we need to be patient,” said another senior Palestinian official. “It seems that the Biden administration is trying to find ways to resume the financial aid without breaking US law, especially the Taylor Force Act, which halted economic aid to the Palestinian Authority because of the payments to the families of the prisoners and martyrs.”
On Wednesday evening, Abbas met in his office with US Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield and again accused the Israeli government of undermining the two-state solution. He said that the Palestinians expect the US administration to fulfill its promises, including the reopening of the US Consulate in Jerusalem and the commitment to the two-state solution.
THE PALESTINIANS are disappointed not only with the Biden administration, but with the Arab countries, too. Repeated appeals by the PA to the Arab governments to fulfill their promises to provide hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to the Palestinians have fallen on deaf ears.
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Since the beginning of the year, the PA has not received money from the Arab countries, according to Palestinian officials. This does not come as a surprise, in the wake of the tensions between the Palestinians and several Arab countries, particularly those in the Gulf, after the signing of the Abraham Accords.
The Palestinians are paying the price for their recurring attacks on the Arab countries that signed normalization agreements with Israel. On various social media platforms, the Palestinians are being denounced by their Arab brothers as an “ungrateful people” who are “trafficking in the Palestinian issue.”
It is no surprise that Abbas did not receive messages from most of the Arab presidents and monarchs congratulating him on the 33rd anniversary of the Palestinian Declaration of Independence.
According to the PA’s official news agency, Abbas received “congratulatory cables” from many world leaders, including the presidents of China, Mali, Mauritania, Kazakhstan, Malawi, Nicaragua, Malta and Uzbekistan. By Thursday, the only cables from the Arab world came from Jordan, Egypt, Algeria and Morocco.
Remarkably, while most of the Arab states have turned their backs on the Palestinians, Israel is turning directly toward the PA.
Israel is trying to persuade the donor countries to resume financial aid to the PA. According to some reports, Israel has even asked the Biden administration to pressure the Arab countries to resume financial aid to the Palestinians.
ISRAEL HAS good reason to be worried about the possible collapse of the PA. In recent weeks, there have been growing signs that the PA is beginning to lose control of Hebron and some areas of the northern West Bank, especially Jenin.
Daily clashes between rival clans in Hebron have left residents of the city wondering whether the PA is still in control of the situation. The PA security forces have been unable to stop masked gunmen from setting fire to several shops, houses and vehicles in Hebron. In an unprecedented move, some desperate Hebron residents appealed to King Abdullah to send Jordanian troops to their city to stop the fighting.
“The appeal to Jordan’s King Abdullah aims to send a warning to the Palestinian Authority,” said Ahmad Ja’bari, a businessman from Hebron. “The people of Hebron want to embarrass the Palestinian Authority because it is not doing anything to protect them and their properties. The feeling here is that the Palestinian Authority is not interested in enforcing law and order, because many of the gangsters are affiliated with its ruling Fatah faction.”
What happened in Jenin last Friday was even more disturbing, not only for the PA, but for Israel, too.
Scores of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad gunmen, along with thousands of Palestinians, participated in the funeral of Wasfi Kabaha, a senior Hamas official who died last week of coronavirus complications.
The public appearance of the Hamas and PIJ gunmen on the streets of Jenin, as well as the large turnout at the funeral, was seen by many Palestinians as a carefully orchestrated challenge to Abbas and the PA.
A furious Abbas responded by dismissing the commanders of the PA security forces in Jenin. He later reportedly instructed his security forces to crack down on Hamas and PIJ members in the northern West Bank.
The increased activities of Hamas and PIJ and growing scenes of lawlessness and anarchy in PA-controlled areas were at the center of the talks last week between Shin Bet director Ronen Bar and Abbas.
During the meeting in Abbas’s residence in Ramallah, the two sides agreed to increase security coordination, combat the influence of Hamas and PIJ and enforce law and order in Hebron and other Palestinian communities.
But the meeting between Bar and Abbas could prove counterproductive, at least as far as the PA president is concerned.
Such meetings are not received well by many Palestinians, who consider security coordination with Israel as an act of treason. Those who publicized the meeting caused further damage to Abbas, who is already facing growing criticism from Palestinians over his “conciliatory” policies toward Israel. Recent public opinion polls have shown that nearly 80% of the Palestinian public wants Abbas to step down.
It is such meetings that make the talk about the formation of a Palestinian unity government sound like a joke. Hamas is not going to sit in any PA government that conducts civilian and security coordination with Israel. Hamas is not going to join any government whose ministers meet with their Israeli counterparts.
Moreover, it is worth noting that Hamas leaders have repeatedly rejected Abbas’s condition for including them in a unity government.
In the past few weeks, Abbas has stated that if Hamas wants to join a unity government, it must recognize all international resolutions pertaining to the Israeli-Arab conflict. Abbas, in other words, wants Hamas to recognize Israel and accept the two-state solution. Those who believe that Hamas will make any concessions on such explosive issues are living under an illusion.
Hamas leaders continue to talk about the “liberation of all of Palestine” and the need to “step up the resistance” against Israel.
Abbas, for his part, does not seem eager to return to the Gaza Strip. Nor does he appear to be serious about bringing Hamas into his government. The talk about “national unity” is mainly intended for internal consumption. He wants to show the Palestinians that he’s not the one responsible for the split between the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
As Abbas and Hamas continue to fight each other, tooth and claw, relations between Israel and some of the Arab countries appear to be moving forward at a rapid pace. These Arabs are no longer concerned with the PA’s acid remarks about normalization with Israel. The only people who are worried about the rapprochement between Israel and the Arab countries are Abbas and his senior officials, in addition to Hamas and Arab and Western “anti-normalization” groups.
Although Abbas is likely eyeing with envy those who have entered into normalization with Israel, he knows that joining the bandwagon would bring his regime crashing down on his head. Thus, he is left to continue his old double game: escalating rhetorical attacks on Israel while relying on it to prevent the collapse of the PA.
The Europeans, for their part, are obviously fed up with Abbas’s repeated promises to hold long overdue general elections, combat rampant corruption and end the dispute between his PA and Hamas. They also seem to be disappointed with human rights violations committed by the PA against Palestinians in the West Bank, particularly the killing of anti-corruption activist Nizar Banat, who was beaten to death in June by PA security officers.
The Biden administration also appears to be keeping a low profile in its dealings with the PA and Abbas. The PA president is said to be disappointed with Biden for refusing to meet with him in New York during last September’s meeting of the United Nations General Assembly. Abbas addressed the meeting via videoconference from Ramallah after canceling his visit to New York because of Biden’s refusal to meet with him.
Shunned by most of the Arab countries and detested by a growing number of Palestinians, Abbas has clearly reached the conclusion that the key to his survival lies in the hands of Israel, the same country that he and the PA work day and night to demonize by accusing it of carrying out ethnic cleansing, killing innocent Palestinians, assaulting Islamic and Christian holy sites and working to “Judaize” Jerusalem.
什麼時候批評以色列是合法的,什麼時候是反猶太主義?
“以色列恐懼症”是丹·迪克 (Dan Diker) 和他的其他作家用來描述政治批評和反猶太主義之間重疊的術語。
作者:邁克爾·斯塔爾
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 17:57
2018 年 9 月 4 日,倫敦,示威者參加英國工黨全國執行委員會會議外的抗議活動,該會議將討論該黨對反猶太主義的定義
(照片來源:路透社/亨利·尼科爾斯)
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什麼時候對以色列的批評是合法的,什麼時候是反猶太的?在“以色列恐懼症和西方:劫持關於以色列的公民話語以及如何拯救它”一書中,Dan Diker 和耶路撒冷公共事務中心 (JCPA) 試圖回答這個問題。
“以色列恐懼症”是狄克爾和他的其他作家用來描述政治批評和反猶太主義之間重疊的術語。與正常的批評不同,以色列恐懼症是對以色列的仇恨,而不是它的所作所為,並使用政治術語來“掩蓋”在其他情況下會被視為偏執的東西。
Israelphobia 是一本由 JCPA 出版、由 JCPA 研究員兼 BDS 和政治戰項目主任 Diker 編輯的 19 篇論文的書。JCPA 由前大使多爾·戈爾德 (Dore Gold) 領導,是一家專注於公共外交和外交政策的研究機構,這使其能夠為收藏品挖掘一批有影響力的散文家。散文家的專業知識多種多樣,有外交官、記者和學者,也有背景,以色列-阿拉伯人、埃塞俄比亞-以色列人、南非黑人和基督徒為討論提供了獨特的觀點。
這些文章是在 2019 年組織和策劃的,這是大流行前的時期,反猶太主義顯著上升。在紐約,猶太人在街頭遭到襲擊。4 月,波威猶太教堂發生了一起重大槍擊事件。在校園裡,除非他們譴責以色列,否則猶太學生會受到同齡人的騷擾和排斥,正如丹尼爾·戈迪斯 (Daniel Gordis) 所描述的那樣。
馬爾科姆·霍恩萊因 (Malcolm Hoenlein) 等文章給人的印像是,越來越尊重政治便利造成了差距。記者和政治家忽視了政治盟友的反猶太主義的報導和處理。以色列恐懼症以美國眾議員伊爾汗·奧馬爾為例:她的言論尚未得到民主黨領導層的適當警告。出於同樣的原因,2019 年沒有報導某些團體的街頭襲擊。對於 Shmuel Trigano 教授輕蔑地描述的“後現代主義”的盛行敘述,在政治上是不方便的。正如 Gordis 所指出的,猶太人在 Progressive 堆棧中的評價並不高。這些政治上的放縱改變了為主流提供可接受話語範圍的奧弗頓窗口,以允許具有類似政治特徵的言論。
以色列恐懼症和西方(圖片來源:對方提供)
Natan Sharansky舉了一個隱蔽的反猶太主義的例子,如果有人說“猶太復國主義者”而不是“猶太人”,那麼在使用反猶太主義的比喻時,它會更可口。他將這與斯大林主義的修辭相比較,後者經常使用相同的猶太復國主義者/猶太人修辭手法。
大部分以色列恐懼症都致力於對針對以色列的政治流行語進行批判性分析。Luba Mayekiso 和 Olga Meshoe Washington 撰寫了專門的文章,僅針對種族隔離指控就被多次提及。正如哈立德·阿布·托阿梅 (Khaled Abu Toameh) 在他的文章中所解釋的那樣,將以色列稱為種族隔離國家或殖民國家所隱含的極端語言和指控與居住在黎凡特的以色列阿拉伯人和巴勒斯坦人的擔憂和需求脫節。這些文章一再爭辯說,這些流行語是用來表達仇恨的,希望它們的情緒重量會欺負其他人進入反以色列的立場。
那麼,如何區分合法批評以色列的人和濫用流行語和“正確”政治敘事的人?儘管是本書的中心問題,但許多文章都在談論現象的起源和表現形式、它引起的問題或其他相關問題,而不是解決問題。Asa Kasher 的文章提出了最透徹和分析性的論點,最終歸結為非法批評以色列是雙重標准或攻擊以色列是以色列。艾倫·德肖維茨 (Alan Dershowitz) 呼應了自然和雙重標準的觀點,但不像 Kasher 那樣詳細。
Sharansky 創建的著名 3D 測試中包含雙重標準。該測試是整本書中大部分推理的基礎,Sharansky 認為該測試在檢測非法批評方面具有持續有效性。許多散文家,例如 Brig.-Gen。(res.) Yossi Kuperwasser,相信國際大屠殺紀念聯盟反猶太主義工作定義的採用和擴散將對抗以色列恐懼症。
自 2019 年以來,政治格局和話語發生了巨大變化。然而,以色列恐懼症仍然具有相關性並能預測這些變化,儘管被現在似乎被過度使用的例子和情況所困擾。以色列恐懼症預測了國際大屠殺紀念聯盟對反猶太主義的定義的普及,該定義繼續被國家和機構採用。戈爾德關於非洲外交關係的文章仍然具有相關性,解釋了當今蘇丹和非洲聯盟外交的重要性。Joshua Washington 和 Messeret Woldemichael Kasabian 的文章挑戰了 Black Lives Matter 在該運動重新普及之前對抗以色列的缺陷。
儘管地緣政治和社會發生了變化,但以色列恐懼症仍然是尋求理解現代反以色列話語的政治家、活動家和學生的必讀書籍。
以色列恐懼症和西方
丹·迪克編輯
耶路撒冷公共事務中心
226 頁;20 美元
猶太人不是白人:以色列和美國的種族和身份 - 意見
如果以色列猶太人是白人,那麼這些“白人猶太人”必須通過他們的白人至上權壓迫哪些有色人種?當然是巴勒斯坦人。
作者:布萊恩·布魯姆
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 15:59
現在的白人“是一種誹謗”。
(照片來源:JON TYSON/UNSPLASH)
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當我在 1970 年代在美國長大時,我經常需要填寫一些要求種族或民族的官方表格。我總是在框上標記“白人”,有時也標記為“白種人”。我當時並沒有想太多。我的猶太身份還沒有特別成熟。我當然是白人。我還能是什麼?
那回來咬我 - 和各地的猶太人 - 很重要。
《耶路撒冷郵報》的賽斯·弗蘭茨曼 (Seth Frantzman)寫道,如今白人“是一種誹謗” 。猶太人已經變成了“白人猶太人”,弗蘭茨曼正確地指出,其核心是“反猶太人”。
他指出,阿爾巴尼亞的穆斯林不被稱為“白人穆斯林”。也沒有任何“白人印度教徒”、“白人佛教徒”或“白人天主教徒”。
“只有猶太人才被稱為‘白人猶太人’,”弗蘭茨曼強調,這迫使他們歸入“美國的白人類別,這一類別意味著‘多數’和‘特權’。”因此,在一些美國圈子中,將他們認定為猶太人“已經成為'白人至上'的代名詞,”他說。
他也可能是種族主義的受害者。(信用:路透社)
前耶路撒冷郵報編輯和現任紐約時報專欄作家布雷特斯蒂芬斯寫道,這種合併是“淫穢的” ,因為它“將猶太裔美國人與 [2017 年] 在夏洛茨維爾遊行的那種高呼‘猶太人不會取代我們’的人混為一談。”
告訴麗貝卡維爾科默森,猶太和平之聲的執行董事。
維爾科默森去年在推特上說:“我們白人猶太人尤其需要認識到,將自己作為受害者的身份置於此處是一種權力轉移,也是一種避免自我反思我們在白人至上主義世界中的相對地位的方式。”
“今天的美國正在經歷一場與 1960 年代一樣激進的文化變革,”斯蒂芬斯寫道。最令人不安的變化之一是:“種族正在取代種族,成為群體和個人認同的定義標誌。”
也不限於美國猶太人。以色列人現在被指責為“白人”。如果以色列猶太人是白人,那麼這些“白人猶太人”必須通過他們的白人至上權壓迫哪些有色人種?當然是巴勒斯坦人。
丹尼爾·戈迪斯 (Daniel Gordis) 在其最近出版的《拯救以色列:猶太人如何贏得一場可能永無止境的戰爭》一書中提到了一封由 93 名美國拉比學生在以色列初夏在加沙行動後所寫的信。他們斷言,美國猶太人是以色列和巴勒斯坦“種族清算[問]‘我們如何與種族暴力同謀’的一部分”?
戈迪斯回答說:“無論人們想怎麼稱呼以色列發生的事情,或者哈馬斯定期發生的事情,都不是種族暴力。” 相反,希望將以色列視為美國獨特的種族不公正歷史的反映是一種“完全是德系猶太人的看法”,如果不是那麼無知,那將是具有諷刺意味的,因為以色列的大多數猶太人不是德系猶太人而是米茲拉希姆,他們永遠不會認為自己是“白人”。
來自中東的猶太人,他們被驅逐出他們生活了幾個世紀的國家,他們的外表往往與該地區的其他非猶太人沒有區別,並不是像 Tablet 的 Liel Leibovitz 所說的那樣,是“白人過世”或“功能性白色。”
“作為一名以色列人,他是伊拉克猶太母親和北非猶太父親的兒子,目睹這種轉變令人心痛,”特拉維夫研究所高級研究員 Hen Mazzig 在洛杉磯時報上感嘆道。
但是,如果一個簡單的黑人與白人、壓迫者與被壓迫者解釋了美國的“一切”,戈迪斯指出,“它也必須解釋以色列的一切錯誤。”
如果以巴衝突是關於種族的,戈迪斯認為,“沒有兩方面的敘述需要被聽到,而是一方面是好的,一方面是邪惡的。[所以]如果你是猶太復國主義者,你就是種族主義者。”
“以色列和美國一樣,一團糟,”記者兼作家馬蒂弗里德曼承認。它只是“以完全不同的方式搞砸了”。
西方觀察家“往往傾向於將外國視為他們自己的鏡子,因為這會讓故事對他們的觀眾更有吸引力,他們主要對自己感興趣——誰不感興趣——”弗里德曼繼續說道。“所以,印度的納倫德拉·莫迪是唐納德·特朗普,法國的問題是種族不平等,而荷蘭的保守派是共和黨人。”
“實際上,以色列是地球上文化最多元的社會之一,由來自世界各地的移民組成,”蘇西林菲爾德在大西洋雜誌的一篇題為“巴勒斯坦不是弗格森”的精彩分析中指出,指的是邁克爾·布朗被槍殺後的密蘇里小鎮。
我們是怎麼來到這裡的?
斯蒂芬斯寫道,美國已經放棄了眾所周知的“熔爐”比喻,即“一個不屈不撓的二元國家,在這個國家中,人們被分為'有色人種'或'白人'”。“結果是,絕大多數美國猶太裔……被分流到一個種族類別中,很少有人有意識地認同 [並且] 這與猶太文化、宗教和政治傳統格格不入。”
弗里德曼寫道:“歐洲和伊斯蘭世界猶太人的故事,也就是以色列的故事,與美國的種族無關。” “我祖母的父母和兄弟姐妹在波蘭村外被與他們同種膚色的人槍殺。”
每個國家、每個衝突和每個人都應該根據自己的優點來判斷。這種破壞性的二元對以色列和衝突採用了不公平和不恰當的美國視角。這無助於我們達成任何一種公平的解決方案。它只會導致最危險的玩家進一步鑽研。
到達那裡需要細微差別、同理心和智力上的嚴謹。可悲的是,我不確定這是否是美國人知道該怎麼做的事情。
作者的書《全面:對大型汽車、大型石油和世界的初創公司的十億美元崩盤》可在亞馬遜和其他在線書商上購買。brianblum.com
Jews are not white: Race and identity in Israel and the US - Opinion
If Israeli Jews are white, then who are the people of color that these “white Jews” must be oppressing through their white supremacy? The Palestinians, of course.
By BRIAN BLUM
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 15:59
To be white these days “is a kind of slander.”
(photo credit: JON TYSON/UNSPLASH)
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When I was growing up in the US in the 1970s, I would often need to fill out some official form that asked for race or ethnicity. I always marked the box for “white” and sometimes “Caucasian.” I didn’t think much of it at the time. My Jewish identity wasn’t yet particularly developed. Of course I was white. What else could I be?
That’s come back to bite me – and Jews everywhere – big time.
To be white these days “is a kind of slander,” writes The Jerusalem Post’s Seth Frantzman. Jews have been transformed into “white Jews” which Frantzman correctly notes is, at its core, “anti-Jewish.”
Muslims in Albania are not called “white Muslims,” he points out. Nor are there any “white Hindus,” “white Buddhists” or “white Catholics.”
“Only Jews are called ‘white Jews,’” Frantzman stresses, which forces them into the “white category in America, the category that means ‘majority’ and ‘privileged.’” As a result, in some American circles, identifying as Jewish “has become synonymous with ‘white supremacy,’” he says.
HE CAN be a victim of racism also. (credit: REUTERS)
That amalgamation is “obscene,” writes former Jerusalem Post editor and current New York Times columnist Bret Stephens, because it “lumps Jewish Americans with the sort of people who marched in Charlottesville [in 2017] chanting ‘Jews will not replace us.’”
Tell that to Rebecca Vilkomerson, executive director of Jewish Voice for Peace.
“We white Jews especially need to recognize that centering our own status as victims here is a power move, as well as a way to avoid self-reflection on our relative status in a white supremacist world,” Vilkomerson tweeted last year.
“The United States today is undergoing a cultural transformation as radical as the one last seen in the 1960s,” writes Stephens. Among the most disturbing changes: “Race is replacing ethnicity as a defining marker of group and personal identification.”
NOR IS IT limited to American Jews. Israelis are now being castigated as “white.” And if Israeli Jews are white, then who are the people of color that these “white Jews” must be oppressing through their white supremacy? The Palestinians, of course.
Daniel Gordis, whose recent book Saving Israel: How the Jewish People Can Win a War that May Never End, refers to a letter penned by 93 American rabbinical students after Israel’s early summer operation in Gaza. They assert that American Jews are “part of a racial reckoning [that asks] ‘how are we complicit with racial violence’” in Israel and Palestine?
Gordis responds: “Whatever one wants to call what is happening in Israel, or what happens periodically with Hamas, it is not racial violence.” Rather, the desire to see Israel as a reflection of America’s unique history with racial injustice is a “wholly Ashkenazi take” which would be ironic if it weren’t so ignorant, since the majority of Israel’s Jews are not Ashkenazim but Mizrachim who would never consider themselves “white.”
Jews who hail from the Middle East, who were expelled from the countries in which they had lived for centuries and whose appearance is often indistinguishable from other non-Jews in the region, are not, as Tablet’s Liel Leibovitz calls, “white passing” or “functionally white.”
“As an Israeli, and the son of an Iraqi Jewish mother and North African Jewish father, it’s gut-wrenching to witness this shift,” laments Hen Mazzig, a senior fellow at the Tel Aviv Institute, in the Los Angeles Times.
But if a simplistic black vs. white, oppressor vs. oppressed explains “everything” in America, notes Gordis, “it must explain everything that’s wrong with Israel too.”
If the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is about race, Gordis posits, “There are not two sides with narratives that need to be heard, but rather, one side good, one side evil. [So] if you’re a Zionist, you’re a racist.”
“Israel, like America, is deeply messed up,” admits journalist and author Matti Friedman. It’s just “messed up in completely different ways.”
Western observers “are often tempted to see foreign countries as mirrors of their own, because it makes a story more compelling for members of their audience, who are interested – who isn’t – mainly in themselves,” Friedman continues. “So, Narendra Modi of India is Donald Trump, France’s problem is racial inequality, and Dutch conservatives are Republicans.”
“In reality, Israel is one of the most multicultural societies on earth, composed of immigrants from around the world,” notes Susie Linfield in an excellent analysis in The Atlantic entitled “Palestine isn’t Ferguson,” referring to the riots that erupted in that Missouri town following the fatal shooting of Michael Brown.
HOW DID we get here?
The US has abandoned the proverbial “melting pot” metaphor for “a country of unyielding binaries, in which people are grouped as being either ‘of color’ or ‘white,’” writes Stephens. “The result is that the vast majority of Jewish Americans… are being shunted into a racial category with which few have consciously identified [and] which is alien to Jewish cultural, religious, and political traditions.”
“The story of the Jewish minority in Europe and in the Islamic world, which is the story of Israel, has nothing to do with race in America,” Friedman writes. “My grandmother’s parents and siblings were shot outside their village in Poland by people the same color as them.”
Every country, every conflict and every individual should be judged on its own merits. This destructive binary applies an unfair and inappropriate American lens on Israel and the conflict. That won’t help us come to any kind of an equitable resolution. It will only lead the players who have the most at stake to dig their heels in further.
Getting there will require nuance, empathy and intellectual rigor. Sadly, I’m not sure if that’s something Americans know how to do anymore.
The writer’s book, TOTALED: The Billion-Dollar Crash of the Startup that Took on Big Auto, Big Oil and the World, is available on Amazon and other online booksellers. brianblum.com
所有埃塞俄比亞猶太人必須被帶回以色列
在埃塞俄比亞歷史悠久的猶太社區中心貢德爾,10,000 名 Beta Yisrael 成員焦急地等待移民到這個猶太國家。
作者:斯圖爾特·魏斯
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 18:54
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 23:31
2021 年 11 月 14 日,埃塞俄比亞 - 以色列人在耶路撒冷政府大樓外抗議,要求營救他們的親屬並將其帶到該國。
(照片來源:禮貌)
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這是一個扣人心弦的故事,講述了我們一個古老的希伯來部落的“重新猶太人脈絡”,以及我們的以色列民族在歷史上戲劇性地干預的能力,以及一場不祥的非洲內戰。但我們的故事首先從一個小女孩開始。
兩個月前,剛鐸埃塞俄比亞猶太難民營的居民、10 歲的 Ruth Mulugeta Tesfaye開始出現胸痛。她被她的父母帶到當地醫院,並被診斷出她的心臟有巨大的增長。露絲隨後被送往首都亞的斯亞貝巴的主要醫院,在那裡醫生證實了診斷,但告訴她的家人,他們沒有能力進行挽救她生命所需的手術。
Ruth 的母親 Ambanesh Tekeba Biru 瘋狂地打電話給以色列的 Avraham Neguise。Avraham 年輕時是一名牧羊人,他於 1985 年從埃塞俄比亞製造了 aliyah,並且是利庫德集團的前議會成員,2015 年至 2019 年在議會任職,擔任移民和僑民事務負責人。自從抵達以色列以來,內吉斯一直是埃塞俄比亞事業的擁護者和個人成就的典範。他擁有教育學博士學位並獲得了法律學位,他說他專門攻讀這一學位是為了幫助他的人民實現統一。事實上,內吉斯曾利用他的以色列議會投票推遲國家預算的通過,以迫使政府履行其對 Beta Yisrael 的承諾,這是一個勇敢而成功的策略,具有諷刺意味的是,
Avraham 非常了解 Ambanesh,因為她曾擔任 Hatikva 的主席,該組織負責監督 2013 年猶太機構離開貢德爾時在貢德爾的猶太機構。“我的女兒會死,”Ambanesh 喊道,“除非她現在得到幫助。”
Ambanesh 和 Ruth 在救命手術後(圖片來源:J. DAVID)
Neguise 聯繫了Save a Child's Heart 的一位朋友和長期支持者,這是一個了不起的以色列人道主義組織,致力於在兒童心髒病護理有限或根本不存在的國家拯救患有心髒病的危重兒童的生命。SACH 成立於 1996 年,總部位於霍隆的沃爾夫森醫院,已經拯救了來自世界各地的 6000 多名急需幫助的兒童,特別是來自非洲和中東的兒童,包括伊拉克、加沙和巴勒斯坦權力機構。此外,SACH 還幫助培訓來自第三世界國家的醫生掌握最新的心臟護理方法。
SACH 立即承諾幫助 Ruth,她和 Ambanesh 兩週前飛往以色列,Ruth 在那裡接受了手術。手術很成功,心臟的贅肉被切除了,她正在穩步康復中。
但現在,母女倆面臨新的危機:他們會被允許留在他們夢想中的國家以色列,還是會被送回埃塞俄比亞?
在埃塞俄比亞歷史悠久的猶太社區中心貢達爾,10,000 名 Beta Yisrael 成員焦急地等待移民到這個猶太國家。
他們經常步行來自許多村莊和城鎮,他們學習希伯來語和猶太法律,同時在猶太機構指定的拉比的指導下觀察猶太人的生活方式。他們原名法拉什穆拉 (Falash Mura),是 19 世紀和 20 世紀基督教傳教士通常以武力皈依基督教的猶太人的後裔。
具有諷刺意味的是,1860 年,皈依的猶太人亨利·亞倫·斯特恩 (Henry Aaron Stern) 開始努力將 Beta Yisrael 基督教化,其中許多人皈依以逃避大多數基督徒的迫害。事實上,當時的塞法迪首席拉比 Ovadia Yosef 於 2002 年宣布,法拉什穆拉因恐懼和暴力威脅而皈依,因此應被視為猶太人。
Yosef 與 Radbaz(拉比 David Ibn Abi Zimra,1479 年出生於西班牙,住在非斯、開羅和薩法德)的早期觀點一致,在 1973 年已經確認埃塞俄比亞社區是猶太人,但部落的後裔。超過 100,000 名 Beta Yisrael 成員將在 1984 年的摩西行動和 1991 年的所羅門行動等大規模空運中被帶到以色列,這得到了喬治·H·布什總統領導下的美國政府的極大便利。他們的社區現在總數超過 160,000 人。
Beta Yisrael 要么在允許家庭團聚的回歸法的主持下來到以色列;或者因為他們的母系譜係將他們確定為哈拉奇猶太人。
但至少有 10,000 名猶太人後裔仍留在貢德爾和亞的斯亞貝巴。自 1999 年以色列政府編制並批准了一份符合條件的移民名單以來,他們中的許多人一直在等待,並於 2015 年承諾在五年內將他們全部帶到這裡。他們都有一個親戚在以色列,許多家庭因被迫分離而被殘忍地撕裂。由於埃塞俄比亞目前正在爆發的內戰,他們的處境現在變得更加危急。提格雷人民解放陣線的部隊正在挑戰政府,製造一個隨時可能惡化的緊張和不穩定的環境。
本週日,內閣將舉行會議,並有望批准 5000 名社區成員進入以色列。內政部長 Ayelet Shaked 和移民和吸收部長 Pnina Tamano-Shata——第一位進入議會的埃塞俄比亞出生的女性——正在努力確保他們的移民安全。但越來越多的人在問,“為什麼不把他們都帶回家?!” 正如最近參加抗議的一位人士悲痛地指出:“以色列國的一項基本使命是成為整個猶太人民的監護人,無論他們居住在何處。這既是我們的特權,也是我們的承諾;我們怎麼能不尊重呢?”
與此同時,安巴內甚坐在那裡等待,既鬆了口氣,又心煩意亂。她女兒的生命已獲救,但她擔心,一旦露絲完成治療並出院,他們都將被迫返回埃塞俄比亞——即使他們已獲准搬到這裡並開始新的生活。生活。但是,將他們遣返回國不僅是一場荒誕的演出,還會向所有長期受苦的埃塞俄比亞人發出令人沮喪的信息,這些埃塞俄比亞人尋求自由和在猶太國家作為猶太人生活的機會。
歷史給我們帶來了危機,也給我們帶來了機遇。也許這是我們做正確事情的機會,將所有埃塞俄比亞猶太人帶回家,並為我們宣布黑人的命也是命。
作者是 Ra'anana 猶太外展中心的主任。
jocmtv@netvision.net.il
All Ethiopian Jews must be brought home to Israel
In Gondar, the center of Ethiopia’s historic Jewish community, 10,000 members of Beta Yisrael wait anxiously to immigrate to the Jewish state.
By STEWART WEISS
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 18:54
Updated: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 23:31
Ethiopian-Israelis protest outside government buildings in Jerusalem, demanding that their relatives be rescues and brought to the country, on November 14, 2021.
(photo credit: Courtesy)
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This is a gripping tale about the “re-Jew-venation” of one of our ancient Hebrew tribes, and the ability of our Israeli nation to dramatically intervene in history, with an ominous African civil war thrown in for good measure. But our story first begins with one little girl.
Two months ago, 10-year-old Ruth Mulugeta Tesfaye, a resident of the Ethiopian Jewish refugee camp in Gondor, began to have chest pains. She was brought to the local hospital by her parents and diagnosed with a massive growth on her heart. Ruth was then taken to the main hospital in the capital of Addis Ababa, where doctors confirmed the diagnosis but informed her family that they were not equipped to perform the surgery necessary to save her life.
Ruth’s mother, Ambanesh Tekeba Biru placed a frantic call to Avraham Neguise in Israel. Avraham – who in his youth was a shepherd – made aliyah from Ethiopia in 1985 and is a former member of the Knesset from the Likud party, serving in the Knesset from 2015-2019, where he was head of Immigration and Diaspora Affairs. Since his arrival in Israel, Neguise has been a champion of the Ethiopian cause and a model of personal achievement. He has a PhD in Education and earned a law degree as well, which he said he pursued specifically to help fight for the reunification of his people. Indeed, Neguise once used his Knesset vote to delay the passing of the State budget in order to compel the government to honor its commitment to the Beta Yisrael, a courageous and successful gambit that, ironically, would ultimately result in him being forced out of the party.
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Avraham knew Ambanesh well, as she had served as chairperson of Hatikva, the umbrella organization that took charge of overseeing the Jewish institutions in Gondar when the Jewish Agency left there in 2013. “My daughter is going to die,” cried Ambanesh, “unless she gets help now.”
Ambanesh and Ruth after the life-saving surgery (credit: J. DAVID)
Neguise reached out to a friend and long-time supporter of
Save a Child’s Heart
, an amazing Israeli humanitarian organization dedicated to saving the lives of critically-ill children suffering from heart disease, in countries where access to pediatric heart care is limited or nonexistent. Founded in 1996 and based out of Wolfson Hospital in Holon, SACH has saved more than 6000 children from around the world in desperate need of help, particularly those from Africa and the Middle East, including Iraq, Gaza and the Palestinian Authority. In addition, SACH helps to train doctors from third-world countries in the latest methods of cardiac care.
SACH immediately pledged to help Ruth, and she and Ambanesh were flown to Israel where Ruth underwent surgery two weeks ago. The surgery was successful, the growth was removed from her heart, and she is steadily recuperating.
But now, mother and daughter face a new crisis: will they be allowed to stay in Israel, the country of their dreams, or will they be sent back to Ethiopia?
IN GONDAR, the center of Ethiopia’s historic Jewish community, 10,000 members of Beta Yisrael wait anxiously to immigrate to the Jewish state.
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They have come, often on foot, from numerous villages and towns and they study Hebrew and Jewish law while observing a Jewish lifestyle under the guidance of a Jewish Agency-appointed rabbi. Formerly known as the Falash Mura, they are descendants of Jews who were converted to Christianity, often by force, by Christian missionaries in the 19th and 20th centuries.
Ironically, it was a converted Jew, Henry Aaron Stern, who began this effort to Christianize the Beta Yisrael in 1860 and many of these people converted to escape persecution by the Christian majority. Indeed, then-Sephardi chief rabbi Ovadia Yosef declared in 2002 that the Falash Mura had converted out of fear and threats of violence and therefore should be considered Jews.
Yosef, in keeping with the earlier opinion of the Radbaz (Rabbi David Ibn Abi Zimra, a leading Halachic authority born in Spain in 1479, who lived in Fez, Cairo and Safed) had already affirmed in 1973 that the Ethiopian community was Jewish, the descendants of the Tribe of Dan. More than 100,000 members of Beta Yisrael would be brought to Israel over four decades, in mass airlifts such as Operation Moses in 1984 and Operation Solomon in 1991, which was greatly facilitated by the American government under President George H. Bush. Their community now totals more than 160,000 souls.
The Beta Yisrael came to Israel either under the auspices of the Law of Return, which allows for family reunification; or because their maternal genealogical line identifies them as halachic Jews.
But at least 10,000 of the descendants of Jews still remain in Gondar and Addis Ababa. Many of them have been waiting since 1999 when a list of eligible immigrants was compiled and approved by the Israeli government, which pledged in 2015 to bring them all here within five years. All of them have a relative already in Israel, and many of the families have been cruelly torn apart by their forced separation. Their situation has now become even more critical, due to a burgeoning civil war currently taking place in Ethiopia. Forces of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front are challenging the government, creating a tense and unstable environment that can deteriorate at any moment.
This Sunday, the cabinet will meet and hopefully approve the entrance to Israel of 5000 members of the community. Interior Minister Ayelet Shaked and Immigration and Absorption Minister Pnina Tamano-Shata – the first Ethiopian-born woman to enter the Knesset – are working hard to secure their immigration. But more and more people are asking, “why not bring all of them home?!” As one of the people at a recent protest plaintively noted: “One of the fundamental missions of the State of Israel is to be the guardian of the entire Jewish People, wherever they may live. That is both our privilege and our promise; how can we not honor it?”
Meanwhile, Ambanesh sits and waits, both relieved and distraught. Her daughter’s life has been saved, but she is worried that once Ruth is finished with her treatment and released from medical care, they will both be forced to return to Ethiopia – even though they are on the approved list to move here and start their new lives. But sending them back would not only be a theater of the absurd, it would send a disheartening message to all those long-suffering Ethiopians seeking freedom and the chance to live as Jews in a Jewish state.
History sends us crises as well as opportunities. Perhaps this is an opportunity for us to do the right thing, to bring all the Ethiopian Jews home, and to proclaim that for us, too, Black Lives Matter.
The writer is director of the Jewish Outreach Center of Ra’anana.
是時候為中國陷入困境的猶太人發聲了
位於黃河南岸約600公里。位於北京西南部的開封至少從公元 7 世紀或 8 世紀開始就一直是猶太人的家園,可能更早。
作者:邁克爾·弗倫德
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 17:44
上山門,古城門重建,開封清明河公園。
(照片來源:MICHAEL FREUND/SHAVEI ISRAEL)
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本月晚些時候,世界各地的猶太人將聚集在遠至德黑蘭、多倫多和東京的地方慶祝光明節。
延續可追溯到第二聖殿時期的傳統,他們將點燃八晚的燈光,回顧古老的奇蹟,並尋求激勵新一代將猶太身份的火炬傳遞到未來。
但今年有一個小社區將無法慶祝這個節日,一個四面楚歌的小團體,其最基本的權利莫名其妙地受到壓制:中國開封的幾百名中國猶太人。
本著我們哈斯蒙尼先人的精神,他們勇敢地高舉了猶太人團結和認同的旗幟,我們有責任大聲抗議並代表他們發聲。
位於黃河南岸約600公里。位於北京西南部的開封至少從公元 7 世紀或 8 世紀開始就一直是猶太人的家園,可能更早。
西牆的基甸扇。(信用:禮貌)
第一批定居在那裡的猶太人是來自波斯或伊拉克的塞法迪姆,他們沿著絲綢之路旅行,得到了中國皇帝的祝福,定居在這座中國古都之一的城市。
猶太社區在開封蓬勃發展,在那裡他們找到了一個寬容和接受的歡迎環境,這與典型的散居猶太人經歷形成鮮明對比。
1163年,開封猶太人建造了一座宏偉而美麗的猶太教堂,隨後歷經數百年的修繕和重建。它的一個模型在特拉維夫的猶太人博物館展出。
在鼎盛時期,在明朝(1368-1644),據說開封猶太人多達 5000 人。
但是,隨著猶太人在 17 世紀開始在社會上獲得更大的聲望,其中一些人在中國公務員中擔任高級職務,同化和通婚的過程開始了,對社區造成了沉重的損失。
因此,到了 1800 年代中期,中國猶太人對猶太教的知識和實踐已經基本消失。該社區的最後一位拉比據信已於 19 世紀早期去世,而在 1840 年代及之後襲擊該市的一系列洪水摧毀了這座驕傲地矗立在開封七個世紀的猶太教堂。
儘管如此,開封的猶太人不顧一切地努力保持他們的猶太人意識,將他們所知道的一點點傳給他們的後代。
如今,在這座擁有超過 450 萬人口的城市中,仍有數百人——也許最多一千人——通過家譜可以識別為猶太社區的後裔。
在 2000 年代初期社區認同短暫開花之後,開封的猶太人突然遭到了從 2014 年開始的前所未有的鎮壓。它關閉。
在隨後的幾年裡,開封的猶太人被禁止在安息日和節日聚集。許多人甚至被迫取下他們家門柱上的 mezuzot。
正如《英國每日電訊報》在 2020 年 12 月報導的那樣,開封當局開展了一項系統的運動,以清除該市猶太社區歷史存在的任何物理痕跡。
曾經吹捧其猶太歷史的開封博物館展品已關閉,猶太教堂的遺跡已被拆除,位於市立醫院的古代 mikveh(儀式浴)遺址已關閉。
由於猶太人不是中國官方承認的少數民族,猶太教也沒有被賦予官方宗教的地位,因此開封猶太人的地位問題對共產黨來說是一個敏感的問題,共產黨將他們視為成熟的漢人。
儘管如此,應該清楚的是,在一個超過14億人口的國家,開封幾百名猶太后裔幾乎不會對中國的社會或政治秩序構成威脅。
然而,儘管以色列和中國之間建立了密切的關係,但這個猶太國家幾乎沒有採取任何行動來抗議對開封猶太人的待遇。就目前所知,以色列駐北京大使館沒有與社區接觸,也沒有尋求向中國政權辯護。
美國猶太人的領導層也是如此,多年來他們一直保持著震耳欲聾的沉默。
不能允許這種情況繼續下去。我們不能也絕不能拋棄開封猶太人或將他們犧牲在中國經濟實力的祭壇上。
他們中的許多人在非常困難的情況下盡其所能重新與他們的猶太遺產建立聯繫。但在共產黨人監視他們的活動和恐嚇他們的監視下,開封的猶太人和他們的歷史正在慢慢地、無情地被扼殺。
Tractate Shabbat 21b 中的 Talmud 在討論光明節時說,成人禮是把燈放在“外面房子的入口處”,但它也指出,“在危險的時候,裡面有一盞燈,那就是充足的。”
可悲的是,除非以色列國和世界猶太人大聲疾呼,抗議開封猶太人的待遇,否則他們將被迫在窗簾和鎖著的門後點燃光明節蠟燭,因為他們真的生活在“時代”。的危險。”
作者是 Shavei Israel ( www.shavei.org )的創始人和董事長,該組織幫助失落的部落和隱藏的猶太社區回歸猶太人民。
It’s time to speak out for China’s beleaguered Jews
Located along the southern banks of the Yellow River some 600 km. southwest of Beijing, Kaifeng has been home to Jews since at least the 7th or 8th century CE, and possibly earlier.
By MICHAEL FREUND
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 17:44
SHANGSHAN GATE, reconstruction of ancient city gate, Qingming River Park, Kaifeng.
(photo credit: MICHAEL FREUND/SHAVEI ISRAEL)
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Later this month, Jews around the world will gather to celebrate the festival of Hanukkah in places as far afield as Tehran, Toronto and Tokyo.
Continuing a tradition dating back to the Second Temple period, they will kindle lights for eight nights, recalling the miracles of old and seeking to inspire a new generation to carry the torch of Jewish identity into the future.
But there is one small community that will be unable to mark the festival this year, a tiny, beleaguered group whose most basic rights are inexplicably being repressed: the few hundred remaining Chinese Jews of Kaifeng, China.
And in the spirit of our Hasmonean forbears, who bravely hoisted the banner of Jewish solidarity and identity, it is incumbent upon us to raise our voices in protest and speak out on their behalf.
Located along the southern banks of the Yellow River some 600 km. southwest of Beijing, Kaifeng has been home to Jews since at least the 7th or 8th century CE, and possibly earlier.
Gideon Fan at the Western Wall. (credit: Courtesy)
The first Jews to settle there were Sephardim from Persia or Iraq who traveled along the Silk Road and received the Chinese emperor’s blessing to reside in the city, which was one of China’s ancient capitals.
The Jewish community prospered in Kaifeng, where they found a welcoming environment of tolerance and acceptance, in sharp contrast to the typical Diaspora Jewish experience.
In 1163, Kaifeng’s Jews built a large and beautiful synagogue, which was subsequently renovated and rebuilt down through the centuries. A model of it is on display at Tel Aviv’s Museum of the Jewish People.
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At its peak, during the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), Kaifeng Jewry is said to have numbered as many as 5,000 people.
But as Jews began to attain greater prominence in society by the 17th century, with some reaching high ranks in the Chinese civil service, a process of assimilation and intermarriage set in, wreaking a heavy toll on the community.
Consequently, by the mid-1800s, the Chinese Jews’ knowledge and practice of Judaism had largely faded away. The last rabbi of the community is believed to have died in the early part of the 19th century, and the synagogue that had proudly stood in Kaifeng for seven centuries was destroyed by a series of floods that struck the city in the 1840s and thereafter.
Nevertheless, against all odds, Kaifeng’s Jews struggled to preserve their sense of Jewishness, passing down whatever little they knew to their progeny.
Nowadays, in this city of over 4.5 million, there are still several hundred people – perhaps a thousand at most – who are identifiable via family trees as descendants of the Jewish community.
AFTER A brief flowering of communal identity in the early 2000s, Kaifeng’s Jews were suddenly hit with unprecedented repression starting in 2014. During the Passover holiday, local authorities raided a Jewish center in Kaifeng that was operated by Shavei Israel, the organization I chair and forced it to close.
In subsequent years, additional measures were taken with Kaifeng’s Jews being prohibited from gathering on the Sabbath and festivals. Many were even forced to take down the mezuzot on the doorposts of their homes.
And as the UK Daily Telegraph reported in December 2020, Kaifeng’s authorities have undertaken a systematic campaign to erase any physical trace of the Jewish community’s historical presence in the city.
Museum exhibits in Kaifeng which once touted its Jewish history have been closed, the remains of the synagogue have been removed and the site of the ancient mikveh (ritual bath), located at a municipal hospital, has been shuttered.
Since Jews are not an officially recognized minority group in China and Judaism is not accorded the status of an official religion, the question of Kaifeng Jewry’s status is a sensitive one for the Communist regime, which views them as full-fledged Han Chinese.
Nonetheless, it should be clear that in a country of over 1.4 billion people, a few hundred Jewish descendants in Kaifeng hardly pose a threat to China’s social or political order.
And yet, despite the close ties that have developed between Israel and China, the Jewish state has done virtually nothing to protest the treatment of Kaifeng’s Jews. As far as is known, the Israeli embassy in Beijing does not reach out to the community nor does it seek to plead their cause with the Chinese regime.
And the same holds true for the American Jewish leadership, which has remained deafeningly silent over the years.
This cannot be allowed to continue. We cannot and must not abandon the Kaifeng Jews or sacrifice them on the altar of Chinese economic power.
Many of them are doing the best they can under very difficult circumstances to reconnect with their Jewish heritage. But under the watchful eyes of the Communists, who monitor their activities and intimidate them, Kaifeng’s Jews and their history are slowly and inexorably being snuffed out.
In its discussion of Hanukkah, the Talmud in Tractate Shabbat 21b says that the mitzvah is to place the lights, “at the entrance to one’s house outside,” but it also states that, “in times of danger, one lights inside and that is sufficient.”
Sadly, unless the State of Israel and world Jewry speak up with a loud and clear voice and protest the treatment of Kaifeng’s Jews, they will be forced to kindle the Hanukkah candles behind shrouded curtains and locked doors, for they are truly living in “times of danger.”
The writer is the founder and chairman of Shavei Israel (www.shavei.org), which assists lost tribes and hidden Jewish communities to return to the Jewish people.
以色列國防軍不再是人民軍隊,是時候更好地支付士兵了-意見
為什麼以色列國繼續認為向士兵支付最低工資的一小部分是可以的,這是由於對兵役的不合時宜的看法。
作者:雅科夫·卡茨
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 18 日 20:26
更新時間: 2021 年 11 月 19 日 14:30
以色列士兵在西牆祈禱。他們會繼續為這麼少的薪水服務嗎?
(照片來源:OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90)
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兩年前,四五十萬以色列人(佔全國的一半)飛往海外,出國度假、出差或參加家庭活動。如果不是因為全球大流行顛覆了我們的生活,預計 2020 年這一數字還會增加。
上週,當我與一位以色列國防軍高級將軍談論為什麼在新的國家預算下沒有增加士兵的工資時,我想到了這一點。談話的重點是對參謀長中將的批評。Aviv Kohavi與財政部爭取增加職業官員的養老金支付。
他捍衛的養老金;但是服兵役的士兵的工資呢?不。
“我們不稱之為工資,”該官員糾正我。“我們稱之為生活成本。”
這就是問題所在。士兵被視為一種不需要經濟補償的資源。因此,非戰鬥士兵每月可以支付大約 900 新謝克爾,戰鬥士兵大約為 1,600 新謝克爾。
以色列貨幣的說明照片(來源:MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)
以色列的每個人都知道這還不夠。當士兵們週末回家時,他們會和朋友出去玩。他們需要錢買汽油、食物、娛樂、衣服和手機。這是最少的。
最近幾週,我在 Walla News 的同事 Amir Bohbot 廣泛報導了增加工資的鬥爭,強調了 IDF 的錯誤優先事項;在某些情況下,食物是完全不能吃的,迫使士兵們花更多的錢。剩下的誰來補?父母。
官員給我的解釋不僅僅是語義。它掩蓋了以色列政治梯隊和以色列國防軍指揮官之間的文化鴻溝——他們將義務兵役的士兵視為廉價勞動力——與士兵本身之間的文化鴻溝,他們中的許多人已經受夠了。
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為什麼以色列國繼續認為向士兵支付最低工資的一小部分是可以的——這應該在未來幾年增加到 6,000 新謝克爾——這與以色列服兵役的不合時宜的觀點有關,以及拒絕看到現實是什麼。
這就是 2019 年旅行數字的適用範圍。我問過這名軍官是什麼時候入伍以色列國防軍的。他說,1992 年他被選入海軍。然後我問他在被選拔之前是否曾想過在學校放假期間坐上飛機飛往歐洲幾天。當然不是,他回答。
我的經歷是一樣的。在 1998 年被選中之前,我在 yeshiva 呆了一年。沒有廉價航班可以快速前往歐洲。我們大多數人甚至還沒有手機。
這就是現在被選入以色列國防軍的年輕人與像這位軍官、我自己和其他在 1980 年代和 90 年代服役的人之間的區別。
不要誤會我的意思。這是一個積極的發展。技術和社交媒體以及國際旅行的便捷性和低成本使世界變得更小,聯繫也更緊密。曾經看似遙不可及的東西,如今已觸手可及。
這些年輕人並不天真,看看他們的同行在世界各地做什麼。他們看著美國人去上大學,當歐洲人去工作或旅行時,他們想知道為什麼他們要把一生中最美好的時光奉獻給這個國家。
他們也不必看那麼遠。在今天的以色列,只有大約 50% 的 18 歲青少年加入了以色列國防軍。未入伍的 50% 主要由 haredim 和以色列-阿拉伯人組成——他們都是少數人——以及世俗和民族宗教青年,他們找到了擺脫服務的方法,不受不再存在的污名的影響。
雇主過去要求將服兵役作為招聘標準的想法是一個長期被遺忘的記憶。如今,您需要做的就是有動力和一些技術經驗。這已經綽綽有餘了。如果你會編碼?直接走到隊伍的最前面。
軍隊和政府在承認這一現實方面猶豫不決,因為一旦他們承認,政治家和將軍們將不得不開始埋葬以色列國防軍是人民軍隊的想法。半個國家不服役怎麼可能是人民軍隊?這很荒謬。
但是,我們的將軍和政客們沒有談論它,也沒有討論需要改變的地方,而是把頭埋在沙子裡。
他們不想觸及熱點問題,因為談論它幾乎是褻瀆神靈:將以色列國防軍作為人民軍隊的想法觸及了以色列近 74 年前成立時的精神核心。IDF 應該有一個普遍和平等的強制性草案。
但現在是誠實承認兩個簡單事實的時候了。一是以色列國防軍不再是人民軍隊。不可能有這麼多人躲避選秀。二是今天的青年不是昔日的青年。是的,他們才華橫溢,令人驚嘆,並且能夠掌握我們老年人不知道存在的技能。
但與此同時,他們是在以色列歷史上最安全、最繁榮和最安全的時期長大的。除了偶爾在加沙進行的行動——通常不會看到部隊越過敵線——他們不知道戰爭。他們聽說過在第二次起義期間經常發生爆炸的公共汽車和咖啡店的故事,但他們要么沒有活著,要么不記得了。
他們加入以色列國防軍的動機並非出於拯救國家的意識,或者他們需要守住戈蘭高地的防線以防止敘利亞人再次入侵。這在 60 年代、70 年代,甚至在 80 年代和 90 年代在某種程度上是一種感覺,但它已經改變了,顯然,這是一種積極的發展。
相反,近年來加入以色列國防軍並將在未來幾年被徵召入伍的年輕人在成長過程中相信以色列強大,擁有強大的軍隊,是中東及其他地區最強大的軍隊。他們是對的。我們還有威脅和敵人想要毀滅我們嗎?當然。但是我們有足夠的力量來對抗他們嗎?還有,是的。
這不是解散以色列國防軍的呼籲。絕不。這更像是一種認識現實的呼籲,開始討論我們在以色列想要擁有什麼樣的軍隊,以及我們想要如何對待我們的士兵和退伍軍人。
我們是否可以繼續認為他們的服務是理所當然的,並假設人們會繼續入伍,而今天有二分之一的 18 歲年輕人不是?如果我們繼續強制匯票,我們是否應該假設我們幾乎可以繼續支付給他們一分錢,而理想和猶太復國主義將填補他們銀行賬戶中的空白?
我認識到這是一個複雜而敏感的問題,它觸及了作為以色列人意味著什麼以及軍隊在社會中扮演什麼角色的核心。
誠然,兵役可以是一種令人難以置信的改變人生的體驗,可以塑造性格並為人生旅途做出貢獻。但現在是討論替代方案的時候了。還有其他選擇。
以色列可以決定不再徵召所有人,而只徵召它想要和需要的人,並且這些軍人在服役期間將獲得可觀的報酬,在退伍時將獲得與 GI 法案式的福利。
以色列可以決定,雖然它不會徵召所有人,但它會建立一個國家招募中心,將一些人送到以色列國防軍,一些人則為各種形式的國民服役。這是國防部長本尼·甘茨 (Benny Gantz) 已經要求以色列國防軍人力部開始探索的想法。
現在是我們作為一個國家開始這些討論的時候了。放棄舊的傳統和理想是可以理解的,但現實總是更強大。Kohavi 現在有機會實現真正的改變。以色列士兵應該得到更好的待遇。
IDF is no longer a people’s army, time to pay soldiers better - opinion
Why the State of Israel continues to think it's okay to pay soldiers a fraction of minimum wage is due anachronistic view of military service.
By YAAKOV KATZ
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 20:26
Updated: NOVEMBER 19, 2021 14:30
ISRAELI SOLDIERS pray at the Western Wall. Will they continue serving for such little pay?
(photo credit: OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90)
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Two years ago, four-and-a-half million Israelis – half the nation – flew overseas, leaving the country for vacation, a work trip, or a family event. The number was expected to increase in 2020 had it not been for the global pandemic that overturned our lives.
I thought of that last week when speaking with a senior IDF general about why salaries for soldiers did not increase under the new state budget. The conversation focused on the criticism leveled at Chief of Staff Lt.-Gen. Aviv Kohavi for fighting with the Treasury to increase pension payments for career officers.
Pensions he defended; but salaries for soldiers in their compulsory service? No.
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“We don’t call it salaries,” the officer corrected me. “We call it subsistence costs.”
And therein lies the problem. Soldiers are looked at as a resource that does not need to be financially compensated. So non-combat soldiers can be paid around NIS 900 a month, and combat soldiers around NIS 1,600.
Illustrative photo of Israeli money (credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)
Everyone in Israel knows that this is not enough. When soldiers come home on the weekend, they go hang out with friends. They need money for gas, food, entertainment, clothes, and their phones. And that is the least of it.
My colleague at Walla News, Amir Bohbot, has in recent weeks extensively covered the battle for increased salaries, highlighting the IDF’s wrong set of priorities; how on some bases the food is completely inedible, forcing soldiers to spend even more of the little money they receive. Who fills in the rest? Parents.
The explanation the officer gave me is more than just semantics. It covers up a cultural divide between Israel’s political echelon and IDF commanders – who view soldiers doing compulsory service as cheap labor – and the soldiers themselves, so many of whom are fed up.
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Why the State of Israel continues to think that it is okay to pay soldiers a fraction of minimum wage – which is supposed to rise in the coming years to NIS 6,000 – has to do with an anachronistic view of military service in Israel, and a refusal to see reality for what it is.
This is where the travel numbers from 2019 fit in. I asked the officer when he enlisted in the IDF. He was drafted into the Navy, he said, in 1992. I then asked whether he ever thought before he was drafted of getting on a plane and flying to Europe for a few days over a school break. Of course not, he responded.
My experience was the same. I spent a year in yeshiva before being drafted in 1998. There were no low-cost flights to jump on for a quick getaway to Europe. Most of us still didn’t even have a cellphone.
And that is the difference between young adults drafted into the IDF now and those like this officer, myself and others who served in the 1980s and ’90s.
Don’t get me wrong. This is a positive development. The world is smaller and indeed more closely connected, made possible by technology and social media but also by the ease and low-cost of international travel. What once seemed out of reach is today at the fingertips of every young adult.
These same young adults are not naïve, and see what their counterparts are doing around the world. They watch as Americans go off to college, as Europeans go to work or travel, and they wonder why they are giving some of the best years of their life to the country.
They also don’t have to look that far. In Israel today, only around 50% of 18-year-olds enlist in the IDF. The 50% not enlisting consists mostly of haredim and Israeli-Arabs – who both draft in small numbers – as well as secular and national-religious youth who find ways out of service undeterred by a stigma that doesn’t exist anymore.
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The idea that employers used to require military service as a standard for hiring is a long-forgotten memory. Nowadays, all you need to do is come with motivation and some tech experience. That is more than enough. And if you can code? Go straight to the front of the line.
Part of the army and the government’s hesitancy in acknowledging this reality is that the moment they do, the politicians and generals will have to start burying the idea of the IDF being a people’s army. How can it be a people’s army when half the country does not serve? It’s absurd.
But instead of talking about it, instead of debating what needs to change, our generals and politicians are burying their heads in the sand.
They don’t want to touch the hot issue since it is almost blasphemous to talk about: the idea of the IDF as a people’s army goes to the very core of the ethos of what Israel was about when it was founded almost 74 years ago. The IDF was supposed to have a universal and egalitarian compulsory draft.
But it is time to be honest and recognize two simple facts. One is that the IDF is no longer a people’s army. It can’t be when so many people dodge the draft. And two is that the youth of today are not the youth of yesteryear. Yes, they are talented, amazing, and capable of skills that us older folks did not know existed.
But at the same time, they have been raised in a period of Israel’s history that is the safest, most prosperous and most secure ever. Besides the occasional operation in Gaza – which usually does not see troops crossing enemy lines – they do not know war. They have heard the stories of the buses and coffee shops that used to regularly explode during the Second Intifada, but they were either not alive or do not remember.
Their motivation to enlist in the IDF is not out of a sense of saving the country, or that they are needed to hold the line on the Golan Heights to keep Syrians from invading once again. That was the feeling in the ’60s, the ’70s, and even in the ’80s and ’90s to some extent, but it has changed, and obviously, that is a positive development.
Instead, the youth that enlisted in the IDF in recent years, and will be drafted in the years to come, have grown up with the belief that Israel is strong and has a powerful military, the most powerful in the Middle East and beyond. And they are right. Do we still have threats and enemies that seek our destruction? Of course. But are we strong enough to confront them? Also, yes.
This a not a call to disband the IDF. Never. It is more a call to recognize reality, to begin discussing what type of military we in Israel want to have, and how we want to treat our soldiers and veterans.
Can we continue to take their service for granted, and assume that people will keep on enlisting when one out of two 18-year-olds today are not? And if we continue the mandatory draft, should we assume that we can keep paying them almost nothing, and that ideals and Zionism will fill the void in their bank accounts?
I recognize that this is a complicated and sensitive issue that strikes at the core of what it means to be an Israeli, and what role the army serves in society.
Granted, military service can be an incredible life-transformative experience that builds character and contributes to the journey through life. But it is time to discuss the alternatives. And there are alternatives.
Israel can decide that it will no longer draft everyone but only the people it wants and needs, and that these servicemen and women will receive respectable compensation while serving and GI Bill-style benefits when discharged.
Israel can decide that while it won’t draft everyone, it will set up a national recruitment center that will send some to the IDF and some to various forms of national service. This is an idea that Defense Minister Benny Gantz has already asked the IDF Manpower Division to start exploring.
It is time we begin these discussions as a country. It is understandably difficult to give up old traditions and ideals, but reality will always be stronger. Kohavi has an opportunity now to effect real change. Israel’s soldiers deserve better.
阿根廷婦女在未經治療的情況下治癒了艾滋病毒
來自阿根廷東北部城市埃斯佩蘭薩的一名婦女成為第二個記錄在案的從她的身體中根除這種致命病毒的病例。
通過耶路撒冷郵報STAFF
發佈時間: 2021 年 11 月 19 日 06:02
來自培養的淋巴細胞的 HIV-1 出芽(綠色)的掃描電子顯微照片。
(圖片來源:VIA WIKIMEDIA COMMONS)
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阿根廷的一名婦女僅靠她的免疫系統就治癒了艾滋病毒,這使她成為全球歷史上第二例未經治療而治愈艾滋病毒的病例。
這名來自阿根廷東北部城市埃斯佩蘭薩的婦女似乎已經從她的身體中根除了這種致命病毒,這將使她成為第二例在沒有藥物、幹細胞療法或其他實驗性治療幫助的情況下治癒的艾滋病毒病例,根據發表在同行評審醫學雜誌JAMA Internal Medicine 上的研究。
阿根廷和美國馬薩諸塞州的研究人員從 2017 年到 2020 年收集了患者的血液樣本,仔細掃描了超過 10 億個細胞的 DNA,以尋找 HIV 病毒細胞。該研究由麻省理工學院和哈佛大學麻省總醫院拉根研究所的徐宇博士領導。
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“這讓我們希望人類免疫系統足夠強大,可以控制艾滋病毒並消滅所有功能性病毒,”於博士說。“時間會證明一切,但我們相信她已經達到了絕育的方法。”
研究人員仍然不確定患者的身體如何能夠明顯地清除自己的 HIV 病毒——這是最難從人體中根除的病毒之一。“我們認為這是不同免疫機制的組合——可能涉及細胞毒性 T 細胞(破壞病毒感染細胞、腫瘤細胞和組織移植物的細胞),先天免疫機制也可能有所貢獻,”於在一封電子郵件中寫道。
在培養的淋巴細胞中生長的人類免疫缺陷病毒 (HIV) 的掃描電子顯微照片。(來源:VIA WIKIMEDIA COMMONS)
另一個已知的似乎從侵襲性HIV病毒中治癒了自己的患者是 67 歲的加利福尼亞婦女,名叫 Loreen Willenberg。即使在 2020 年對她的數十億個細胞進行測序後,科學家們也找不到任何完整的病毒序列。
這兩人是 HIV 病毒的“精英控制者”——估計每 200 名 HIV 感染者中就有 1 人的自身免疫系統能夠在沒有抗逆轉錄病毒藥物的情況下以某種方式將病毒的複制抑製到非常低的水平。於博士撰寫了一篇關於所謂的精英控制者的論文。
“這篇論文很好地展示了現在可以進行的分析的複雜程度,”南加州大學凱克醫學院研究 HIV 和基因編輯的分子微生物學家保拉·坎農 (Paula Cannon) 告訴健康導向新聞出版統計。“找到一個精英控制者,她不僅目前沒有在她的體內表現出任何 HIV RNA 病毒,而且看起來她在未來的任何時候都沒有這種潛力,這並不完全令人驚訝,但是這很令人興奮。”
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HIV 是導致稱為 AIDS 的自身免疫缺陷病的病毒,它使人體免疫系統極易感染 COVID-19 等其他疾病。去年,全世界大約有 3800 萬人感染了艾滋病毒,全球約有 690,000 人死於與艾滋病相關的疾病。
Argentina woman cured of HIV without treatment
A woman from the northeast Argentinian city of Esperanza become the second documented case to have eradicated the deadly virus from her body.
By JERUSALEM POST STAFF
Published: NOVEMBER 19, 2021 06:02
Scanning electron micrograph of HIV-1 budding (in green) from cultured lymphocyte.
(photo credit: VIA WIKIMEDIA COMMONS)
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A woman in Argentina has been cured of HIV solely by her immune system, making her only the second documented case of someone cured of HIV without treatments in global history.
The woman, who is from the northeast Argentinian city of Esperanza, appears to have eradicated the deadly virus from her body, which would make her only the second documented HIV case cured without the help of drugs, stem cell therapy, or other experimental treatments, according to research published in the peer-reviewed medical journal JAMA Internal Medicine.
Researchers in Argentina and Massachusetts, USA collected blood samples from the patient from 2017 to 2020, meticulously scanning the DNA of more than a billion cells for HIV virus cells. The study was led by Dr. Xu Yu of the Ragon Institute of Massachusetts General Hospital, MIT and Harvard.
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“This gives us hope that the human immune system is powerful enough to control HIV and eliminate all the functional virus,” said Dr. Yu. “Time will tell, but we believe she has reached a sterilizing cure.”
The researchers remain unsure as to how the patient's body was able to apparently rid itself of the HIV virus – among the most difficult to eradicate from the human body. "We think it's a combination of different immune mechanisms -- cytotoxic T cells (cells that destroy virus-infected cells, tumor cells, and tissue grafts) are likely involved, innate immune mechanisms may also have contributed," Yu wrote in an email.
Scanning electron micrograph of human immunodeficiency virus (HIV), grown in cultured lymphocytes. (credit: VIA WIKIMEDIA COMMONS)
The only other known case of a patient who seemingly cured themselves from the aggressive HIV virus is 67-year old California woman named Loreen Willenberg. Even after sequencing billions of her cells in 2020, scientists could not find any intact viral sequences.
The two are among “elite controllers” of the HIV virus– the estimated 1 in 200 people with HIV whose own immune systems are somehow able to suppress the virus’s replication to very low levels without antiretrovirals. Dr. Yu authored a paper about the so-called elite controllers.
“This paper is a nice showcase of the level of sophistication of the analyses that can be done now,” Paula Cannon, a molecular microbiologist who studies HIV and gene editing at the University of Southern California’s Keck School of Medicine, told health-oriented news publication STAT. “Finding somebody who is an elite controller who not only is currently not exhibiting any HIV RNA viruses in her body, but also doesn’t look like she has the potential to do that any time in the future, isn’t exactly surprising, but it is exciting.”
老公千元直播選料竟開出百萬翡翠!網友驚呼:怎麼做到的?Sponsored by 珠寶閣
HIV is the virus that causes the Auto immunodeficiency disease known as AIDS, which leaves the human immune system highly susceptible to other illnesses such as COVID-19. Roughly 38 million people are living with HIV infection around the world and around 690,000 people died from AIDS-related illnesses worldwide last year.
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