2021.11.19 國際新聞導讀-美國打算抵制中國冬季奧運會、土耳其釋放被控間諜罪的以色列夫婦，以國總理與總統俱表感謝。衣索比亞內戰加劇、巴勒斯坦哈瑪斯重建努力受阻

蘇老師講解國際新聞、中東與中亞歷史、中國事務、太空知識的頻道。 Diplomat's daily news review and history research on Middle East and Central Asia, China Affairs and Space Exploration

2021.11.19 國際新聞導讀-美國打算抵制中國冬季奧運會、土耳其釋放被控間諜罪的以色列夫婦，以國總理與總統俱表感謝。衣索比亞內戰加劇、巴勒斯坦哈瑪斯重建努力受阻
拜登稱美國考慮外交抵制北京奧運會
外交抵制意味著美國官員將不會出席 2 月的北京冬奧會開幕式。
通過路透
美國總統喬拜登週四證實，美國正在考慮外交抵制北京奧運會，此舉旨在抗議中國的人權記錄，包括華盛頓所說的對少數穆斯林的種族滅絕。
“我們正在考慮的事情，”當拜登坐下來與加拿大總理賈斯汀·特魯多會面時，當被問及是否考慮進行外交抵制時說。
外交抵制意味著美國官員將不會出席 2 月的北京冬奧會開幕式。
就在習近平和拜登在虛擬峰會上努力緩解緊張局勢幾天后，美國決定不派遣外交官將是對中國國家主席習近平的譴責，這是他們自 1 月拜登上任以來的首次廣泛會談。
鑑於美國政府指責中國在其西部新疆地區對穆斯林族群實施種族滅絕，而北京對此予以否認，兩黨的活動人士和國會議員一直在敦促拜登政府在外交上抵制這一事件。
2020 年東京奧運會因冠狀病毒病 (COVID-19) 爆發而推遲到 2021 年，2021 年 4 月 14 日在日本東京舉行，彩虹橋和東京鐵塔點亮了奧運色彩，以紀念 2020 年東京奧運會倒計時 100 天（來源：路透社/ISSEI KATO）
白宮發言人 Jen Psaki 週四在例行簡報會上表示，美國考慮外交抵制冬奧會是出於對新疆省人權實踐的擔憂。
“有些領域我們確實有擔憂：侵犯人權，”Psaki 告訴記者。“我們有嚴重的擔憂。”
“當然，當我們考慮我們的存在時，會有一系列因素，”她說，但拒絕提供做出決定的時間表。
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“我想給總統留下做決定的空間，”她說。
了解政府想法的消息人士告訴路透社，白宮內部越來越多的共識認為應該讓美國官員遠離奧運會。
上週，美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯表示，華盛頓正在與世界各國討論“他們如何考慮參與”，但沒有明確決定的最後期限。
10 月，一個由兩黨組成的美國參議員小組提議對一項年度國防政策法案進行修正，該法案將禁止美國國務院花費聯邦資金來“支持或促進”美國政府僱員參加奧運會。
民主黨眾議院議長南希佩洛西也呼籲進行外交抵制，稱出席會議的全球領導人將失去道德權威。
一些共和黨議員一直呼籲全面抵制奧運會。
阿肯色州參議員湯姆·科頓 (Tom Cotton) 週四在新聞發布會上表示，對他所謂的“種族滅絕奧運會”進行外交抵制“太少、太遲了”，並表示美國運動員、官員或美國企業贊助商不應參與。
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共和黨前美國駐聯合國大使尼基·黑利也呼籲全面抵制，稱出席會議將發出一個信息，即美國願意對種族滅絕視而不見。
Biden says US considering diplomatic boycott of Beijing Olympics
A diplomatic boycott would mean that US officials would not attend the opening of the Beijing Winter Olympics in February.
By REUTERS
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 20:58
Updated: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 22:18
US President Joe Biden speaks during a press conference in the G20 leaders' summit in Rome, Italy October 31, 2021.
(photo credit: KEVIN LAMARQUE/REUTERS)
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The United States is considering a diplomatic boycott of the Beijing Olympics, President Joe Biden confirmed on Thursday, a move that would be aimed at protesting China's human rights record, including what Washington says is genocide against minority Muslims.
"Something we're considering," Biden said when asked if a diplomatic boycott was under consideration as he sat down for a meeting with Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau.
A diplomatic boycott would mean that US officials would not attend the opening of the Beijing Winter Olympics in February.
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A US decision not to send diplomats would be a rebuke of Chinese President Xi Jinping just days after Xi and Biden worked to ease tensions in a virtual summit, their first extensive talks since Biden took office in January.
Activists and members of Congress from both parties have been pressing the Biden administration to diplomatically boycott the event given that the US government accuses China of carrying out a genocide against Muslim ethnic groups in its western Xinjiang region, something that Beijing denies.
White House spokesperson Jen Psaki told a regular briefing on Thursday that US consideration of a diplomatic boycott of the Winter Olympics was driven by concerns about human rights practices in Xinjiang province.
"There are areas that we do have concerns: human rights abuses," Psaki told reporters. "We have serious concerns."
"Certainly there are a range of factors as we look at what our presence would be," she said, while declining to provide a timeline for a decision.
"I want to leave the president the space to make decisions," she said.
Sources with knowledge of the administration's thinking have told Reuters there was a growing consensus within the White House that it should keep US officials away from the Games.
Last week, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said Washington was talking to countries around the world about "how they're thinking about participation," but left a deadline for a decision unclear.
A bipartisan group of US senators in October proposed an amendment to an annual defense policy bill that would prohibit the US State Department from spending federal funds to "support or facilitate" the attendance of US government employees at the Games.
Democratic House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has also called for a diplomatic boycott, saying global leaders who attend would lose their moral authority.
Some Republican lawmakers have been calling for a complete boycott of the Olympics.
Senator Tom Cotton of Arkansas told a news conference on Thursday that a diplomatic boycott of what he called the "genocide Olympics" would be "too little, too late" and said no US athletes, officials, or US corporate sponsors should take part.
Nikki Haley, a Republican former US ambassador to the United Nations, also had called for a complete boycott, saying attending would send a message that America was willing to turn a blind eye to genocide.
來自阿拉伯媒體的聲音：坐在家裡得到報酬
每週精選來自世界各地阿拉伯媒體的意見和分析。
通過針對媒體線
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 17:17
更新時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 17:19
2021 年 10 月 14 日，美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯和沙特阿拉伯外交部長費薩爾·本·法爾漢·阿勒沙特在美國華盛頓國務院會晤前向記者發表講話。
（圖片來源：路透社/喬納森恩斯特）
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科威特，Al-Qabas，11 月 10 日
我肯定會因為我將在本專欄中分享的觀點而受到攻擊，但這仍然是我的觀點。
議會婦女和家庭委員會最近批准了一項提議，向沒有工作並有孩子的科威特家庭主婦支付月薪，以便她們能夠照顧和撫養孩子。
根據計劃，擁有大學學位的家庭主婦將獲得750第納爾；擁有學士學位後學位的人將獲得 600 第納爾；擁有高中文憑的人將獲得 500 第納爾。
但我的問題如下：究竟誰來取代這群現在選擇留在家裡照顧孩子而不是工作的職業女性？如何解決勞動力短缺問題：是用科威特還是外國勞動力？當然，將需要外國工人來幫助解決這種短缺問題，因為對普通女性的提議非常誘人：即使不去工作也能賺取薪水。
更令人擔憂的是，該計劃沒有列出特定的年齡組或獨特的情況。也就是說，任何年齡和生命階段的任何女性都有資格獲得該福利。因此，該計劃從一開始就是為剝削和濫用而設立的。想想每個月都會兌現政府支票的所有女性，只是為了從一家咖啡店漫游到另一家，與失業的女性同行見面。
科威特科威特市（來源：WIKIMEDIA COMMONS/MOHAMMAD ALATAR）
不幸的是，在擔心的公民浮出水面之後，政府現在才開始意識到這項提議的嚴重性。國民議會要求對該計劃進行快速審查，但為時已晚。
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狹隘的選舉利益不應戰勝我們作為一個國家的集體利益。這些計劃必須在實施之前進行徹底的研究和審查，而不是在宣布之後。否則，他們的財務影響很難逆轉。– 伊克巴爾·艾哈邁德
沙特阿拉伯：2020 年和 2021 年兩個十一月之間
Okaz，沙特阿拉伯，11 月 11 日
很難想像，但美國總統選舉正好在一年前舉行。這是一場激烈而分裂的運動，沙特阿拉伯發現自己處於風暴的中心。
上任後，喬拜登總統和他的政府向世界發出了嚴厲的信息。與其像盟友所期望的那樣，以一定程度的責任感和善意對待利雅得，他們更願意與沙特阿拉伯保持距離。
但沙特政府並沒有退縮。相反，沙特阿拉伯將其精力用於充分利用這種情況。
2021 年 1 月舉行的阿爾烏拉海灣合作委員會 (GCC) 峰會是利雅得決心改善其地緣政治立場的第一個跡象。
阿拉伯聯合酋長國、巴林和其他海灣合作委員會成員國以及埃及簽署的《阿爾烏拉宣言》為與卡塔爾重建政治和經濟關係鋪平了道路。隨後，利雅得與科威特的協調更加深入，與阿聯酋的經濟夥伴關係不斷擴大，與阿曼的關係也達到了前所未有的高度。
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該宣言成為沙特阿拉伯進入海灣所有地區的橋樑，並將利雅得定位為地區領導者。
與此同時，不斷下跌的油價開始回升，達到大流行前的水平。沙特阿拉伯石油行業的領導者保持著堅決而有效的立場，迫使市場默認了該國的意願。
作為沙特阿拉伯最古老的合作夥伴之一，英國決定加倍履行對沙特的承諾，並填補美國留下的空白。開羅和伊斯蘭堡也與利雅得結盟，促進了這三個國家的經濟發展。
乍一看，去年 11 月預示著沙特阿拉伯將迎來一個令人震驚的政治冬天。但靜靜地、耐心地，利雅得成功地在該地區傳播了溫暖，並將今年變成了成就年。而今天，沙特阿拉伯可能處於迄今為止最好的地緣政治地位。– 穆罕默德·賽義德
防止埃塞俄比亞自毀
Asharq al-Awsat，倫敦，11 月 14 日
數千人被殺，超過 200 萬人在國內流離失所，近 100 萬人面臨飢餓的危險。
埃塞俄比亞的衝突始於一年前，當時總理阿比·艾哈邁德（Abiy Ahmed）對提格雷地區發動了軍事行動，局勢迅速失控。
自去年 6 月提格雷戰士在大膽的軍事行動後重新控制了提格雷地區的大部分地區並進入鄰近地區以來，危機已經惡化。在突然停止之後，政府軍上個月試圖將他們推回原來的位置，但這些戰士擊退了襲擊，並在一個驚人的轉折中控制了前往埃塞俄比亞首都亞的斯亞貝巴的重要戰略城鎮.
作為回應，政府宣布全國進入緊急狀態，阿比使用戰爭和敵意的語言敦促平民拿起武器。此後，首都和該國其他地區對提格雷人進行了大規模鎮壓，並逮捕了 16 名當地聯合國工作人員。混亂的氣氛籠罩著這座城市。
但談判解決，甚至和平，仍然是可能的。在非盟和美國的幫助下，交戰雙方可以把國家從災難中拉出來。
很少有人預料到它會走到這一步，尤其是阿比本人。去年 11 月初，當總理下令對提格雷發動軍事襲擊時，他表示，這次戰役將是一次簡短的外科手術，“目標明確、有限且可實現”。
相反，衝突持續了幾個月，造成了沉重的代價。平民首當其衝受到種族清洗、性暴力、強姦和大規模謀殺的殘酷運動的影響。這些暴行通常由埃塞俄比亞軍隊、厄立特里亞軍隊和盟軍民兵犯下，震驚了社會，激化了分歧，加深了兩極分化。
阿比於2019年獲得諾貝爾和平獎，隨後因在衝突中的角色受到譴責後成為國際批評的目標。事實上，6 月的選舉旨在提高他的民主資格並鞏固他的統治，但並沒有改善局勢。
隨後出現了一系列軍事挫折，提格雷軍隊發動了一場大規模的反攻行動，並開始與奧羅莫解放軍進行協調。上週，他們與其他七個反對派團體結成聯盟，以取代阿比政府。
隨著阿比的軍事選擇越來越少，他的合法性正在減弱，他的政府已經悄悄表示願意進行談判。
該地區的外交官和領導人迅速做出反應，加倍努力以確保停火併為談判政治解決奠定基礎。美國非洲之角特使杰弗裡·費爾特曼會見了埃塞俄比亞和肯尼亞當局，非洲聯盟駐非洲之角高級代表奧盧塞貢·奧巴桑喬與埃塞俄比亞當局和提格雷領導人舉行了會談。
但最終，未來將取決於埃塞俄比亞各方本身。目前人們對阿比的意圖深感擔憂，許多人認為他只是利用停火來爭取時間重新集結、武裝和加強他的部隊。而且，提格雷和奧羅莫勢力似乎相信他們可以在軍事上推翻阿比並組建過渡政府。
然而，一切都沒有丟失。雙方或許都希望能夠取得勝利，而不是訴諸妥協，但形勢嚴峻，誰也不能再繼續下去了。阿比政府已被廣泛抹黑，不再希望坐等反對者倒台。至於提格雷和奧羅莫領導人，如果人道主義危機繼續蔓延，他們就有可能失去民眾支持。
這是一項艱鉅的任務，但雙方都必須為了和平而擱置戰爭。另一種選擇是徹底破壞。
– 阿沃爾阿洛
由 Asaf Zilberfarb 翻譯。
Voices from the Arab press: Sit home and get paid
A weekly selection of opinions and analyses from the Arab media around the world.
By THE MEDIA LINE
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 17:17
Updated: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 17:19
US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and Saudi Arabia's Foreign Minister Faisal bin Farhan Al-Saud deliver remarks to reporters before meeting at the State Department in Washington, US, October 14, 2021.
(photo credit: REUTERS/JONATHAN ERNST)
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Al-Qabas, Kuwait, November 10
I will surely be attacked for the opinion I’m about to share in this column, but it is still my view nonetheless.
The Parliamentary Women and Family Committee recently approved a proposal to pay a monthly salary to Kuwaiti housewives who don’t work and have children – in order to allow them to take care of and raise their children.
Based on the plan, a housewife with a university degree will receive 750 dinars; one with a postbaccalaureate degree will receive 600 dinars; and one with a high school diploma will receive 500 dinars.
But my question is as follows: Who exactly will replace this cohort of working women who will now choose to stay home and take care of their children instead of working? And how will this shortage of labor be overcome: with Kuwaiti or foreign labor? Certainly, foreign workers will be needed to help out with this shortage, since the proposition for the average woman is very tempting: earn a paycheck even without going to work.
What’s even more concerning is that the plan doesn’t list a specific age group or unique set of circumstances. That is, any woman, at any age and life stage, is eligible for the benefit. Therefore, this program is, from the very outset, set up for exploitation and abuse. Just think of all of the women who will cash the government’s check each month, only to roam around from one coffee shop to another, to meet with their unemployed female counterparts.
Kuwait City, Kuwait (credit: WIKIMEDIA COMMONS/MOHAMMAD ALATAR)
It’s unfortunate that the government is only starting to realize the severity of this proposal now, after concerns have been surfaced by worried citizens. The National Assembly demanded a quick review of the program, but it’s too little, too late.
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Narrow electoral interests should not triumph over our collective interests as a nation. These plans must be studied and examined thoroughly before they’re implemented, and not after they’re announced. Otherwise, their financial impact is very hard to reverse. – Iqbal Al-Ahmad
SAUDI ARABIA BETWEEN THE TWO NOVEMBERS: 2020 & 2021
Okaz, Saudi Arabia, November 11
It’s hard to imagine, but the US presidential elections took place exactly a year ago. It was a fierce and divisive campaign in which Saudi Arabia found itself in the eye of the storm.
After stepping into office, President Joe Biden and his administration sent harsh messages to the world. Instead of dealing with Riyadh with a measure of responsibility and good faith, as is expected of allies, they preferred to distance themselves from Saudi Arabia.
But the Saudi government didn’t flinch. Instead, Saudi Arabia devoted its energy to making the best of the situation.
The Al-Ula Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) Summit, which took place in January 2021, was the first sign that Riyadh was determined to change its geopolitical stance for the better.
The Al-Ula Declaration – signed by the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and the rest of the GCC member states, along with Egypt – paved the way for the reestablishment of political and economic ties with Qatar. Subsequently, Riyadh’s coordination with Kuwait grew deeper, its economic partnership with the UAE expanded, and its relations with Oman reached unprecedented heights.
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The declaration became a bridge for Saudi Arabia into all parts of the Gulf and positioned Riyadh as a regional leader.
Meanwhile, falling oil prices began to recover, reaching their pre-pandemic levels. Those leading the oil industry in Saudi Arabia maintained a resolute and effective stance that forced the market to acquiesce to the wills of the kingdom.
Britain, one of Saudi Arabia’s oldest partners, has decided to double down on its commitments to the kingdom and step into the void left behind by the United States. Cairo and Islamabad have also grown their alliance with Riyadh, boosting the economies of all three countries.
At first glance, the month of November of last year heralded a startling political winter for Saudi Arabia. But quietly and patiently, Riyadh has managed to spread its warmth in the region and turn this year into a year of achievements. And today, Saudi Arabia may be in its best geopolitical position to date. – Mohammed Al-Saeed
PREVENTING ETHIOPIA FROM RIPPING ITSELF APART
Asharq al-Awsat, London, November 14
Thousands of people have been killed, more than two million people have been internally displaced, and nearly one million people are at risk of starvation.
The conflict in Ethiopia began a year ago when Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed launched a military campaign against the Tigray region, and the situation is quickly getting out of control.
The crisis has worsened since last June when Tigray fighters regained control of a large part of the Tigray region and crossed into neighboring areas after a daring military campaign. After a sudden stop, government forces tried last month to push them back into their original positions, but these fighters repelled the attack and, in a stunning turn of events, took control of strategically important towns on their way to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.
In response, the government declared a nationwide state of emergency, and Abiy urged civilians to take up arms, using the language of war and hostility. A massive crackdown has since been launched against the Tigrayan population in the capital and in other parts of the country, and 16 local United Nations staff members have been arrested. An atmosphere of chaos has gripped the city.
But a negotiated settlement, even peace, is still possible. With the help of the African Union and the United States, the two warring sides can pull the country out of disaster.
Few expected it to come this far, not least Abiy himself. When the prime minister ordered military attacks against Tigray in early November of last year, he said the campaign would be a brief surgical operation “with clear, limited and achievable objectives.”
Instead, the conflict dragged on for months, taking a heavy toll. Civilians are bearing the brunt of a brutal campaign that has seen ethnic cleansing, sexual violence, rape and mass murder. These atrocities, often perpetrated by the Ethiopian army, Eritrean forces and allied militias, have stunned society, inflamed divisions and deepened polarization.
Abiy was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019, and then became the target of international criticism after being condemned for his role in the conflict. Indeed, the elections in June, which were intended to polish his democratic credentials and solidify his rule, did nothing to improve the situation.
Then came a series of military setbacks, as the Tigrayan forces launched a major counteroffensive campaign and began coordinating with the Oromo Liberation Army. And last week, they and seven other opposition groups formed an alliance to replace Abiy’s government.
With Abiy’s military options dwindling and his legitimacy waning, his government has quietly signaled a willingness to negotiate.
Diplomats and leaders in the region responded quickly, doubling down on their efforts to secure a ceasefire and lay the groundwork for a negotiated political settlement. US Special Envoy to the Horn of Africa Jeffrey Feltman met with Ethiopian and Kenyan authorities, and Olusegun Obasanjo, the high representative of the African Union in the Horn of Africa, held talks with Ethiopian authorities and the Tigray leadership.
But in the end, the future will depend on the Ethiopian parties themselves. There is currently deep concern about Abiy’s intentions, and many believe that he will simply use the ceasefire to buy time to regroup, arm and strengthen his forces. Moreover, Tigray and Oromo forces seem to believe that they can topple Abiy militarily and form a transitional government.
Yet all is not lost. Both sides may hope that they can achieve victory, without resorting to compromise, but the conditions are so dire that neither of them can afford to continue any further. The Abiy government has been widely discredited and no longer hopes to wait for its opponents to fall. As for the Tigray and Oromo leaderships, they risk losing popular support if the humanitarian crisis continues to spread.
It is a difficult task, but both sides have to put war aside for the sake of peace. The alternative is total destruction.
– Awol Allo
Translated by Asaf Zilberfarb.
卡塔爾埃及同意向加沙供應燃料和基本建築材料
在埃及斡旋下於 5 月 21 日停火後，獲得重建資金和材料一直是哈馬斯的關鍵需求。
通過路透
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 17 日 23:12
更新時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 00:02
巴勒斯坦人在加沙地帶南部的卡塔爾資助的“哈馬德城”建設項目內參加支持卡塔爾的集會。
（圖片來源：IBRAHEEM ABU MUSTAFA/REUTERS）
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卡塔爾外交部周三表示，卡塔爾和埃及已簽署協議，向加沙地帶供應燃料和基本建築材料。
卡塔爾外交部長索爾坦·本·薩阿德·穆萊希在奧斯陸的巴勒斯坦人國際捐助組織特設聯絡委員會（AHLC）部長級會議上宣布了這一消息。
他（Muraikhi）確認，這些共同的合作努力將有助於改善（加沙）的生活條件，”外交部聲明說。
來自 Jpost 的最新文章
繼續觀看以色列不會阻撓兩國，部長與巴勒斯坦人進行國際談判廣告後
加沙的哈馬斯政府表示，在 5 月以色列和哈馬斯之間為期 11 天的衝突中，該飛地約有 2,200 所房屋被毀，另有 37,000 所房屋受損。
以色列的一些房屋被伊斯蘭組織
哈馬斯
和其他加沙激進組織發射的火箭損壞。
巴勒斯坦官員說，以色列對加沙的空襲造成 250 人死亡，其中包括 66 名兒童。以色列官員說，包括兩名兒童在內的 13 人在以色列被激進的火箭彈炸死。
在埃及斡旋下於 5 月 21 日停火後，獲得重建資金和材料一直是哈馬斯的關鍵需求。以色列限制建築材料進入該領土，稱哈馬斯用它們製造武器來發動襲擊。
但在與聯合國和卡塔爾達成協議後，以色列允許海灣國家的財政援助進入加沙。
埃隆馬斯克為他在舊金山郊外的“最後一棟房子”尋找買家由 Mansion Global 贊助
加沙官員估計，重建在 5 月戰鬥中受損的房屋和基礎設施將需要 4.79 億美元。卡塔爾和埃及各自承諾為加沙重建提供 5 億美元。
Qatar, Egypt agree to supply fuel and basic building materials to Gaza
Following a May 21 ceasefire, mediated by Egypt, access to reconstruction funds and materials has been a key Hamas demand.
By REUTERS
Published: NOVEMBER 17, 2021 23:12
Updated: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 00:02
PALESTINIANS TAKE part in a rally in support of Qatar, inside Qatari-funded construction project ‘Hamad City,’ in the southern Gaza Strip.
(photo credit: IBRAHEEM ABU MUSTAFA/REUTERS)
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Qatar and Egypt have signed agreements to supply fuel and basic building materials to the Gaza Strip, the Qatari Foreign Ministry said on Wednesday.
The announcement was made in Oslo by Soltan bin Saad Al-Muraikhi, Qatar's minister of state for foreign affairs, during a ministerial meeting of the Ad Hoc Liaison Committee (AHLC), the international donor group for Palestinians.
He (Muraikhi) affirmed that these joint collaborative efforts will contribute to improving living conditions (in Gaza)," the Foreign Ministry statement said.
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About 2,200 homes in the enclave were destroyed and 37,000 others were damaged during the 11-day conflict between Israel and Hamas in May, says Gaza's Hamas-run government.
Some homes in Israel were damaged by rockets launched by Islamist organization
Hamas
and other Gaza militant groups.
Palestinian officials say 250 people, including 66 children, were killed by Israeli air strikes on Gaza. Israeli officials says 13 people, including two children, were killed in Israel by militant rockets.
Following a May 21 ceasefire, mediated by Egypt, access to reconstruction funds and materials has been a key Hamas demand. Israel limits construction materials entering the territory, saying Hamas uses them to build weapons to wage attacks.
But following an agreement with the United Nations and Qatar, Israel allowed financial aid from the Gulf state to enter Gaza.
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Gaza officials estimate it will take $479 million to rebuild homes and infrastructure damaged in the May fighting. Qatar and Egypt have each pledged $500 million for Gaza reconstruction.
伊朗不會很快離開敘利亞
幕後：與地區媒體的報導相反，沒有跡象表明伊朗即將在大馬士革撤軍。
作者：喬納森·斯派爾
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 21:22
一條道路上裝飾著描繪敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德和伊朗最高領袖阿亞圖拉·阿里·哈梅內伊的橫幅，位於靠近敘利亞邊境的黎巴嫩村莊 al-Ain。
（圖片來源：AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS）
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一名伊朗革命衛隊指揮官本月從敘利亞離職，這引發了地區媒體的一些猜測，即敘利亞政權正在尋求重新調整與德黑蘭的關係。兩家沙特新聞媒體聲稱，該官員是在巴沙爾·阿薩德總統的直接命令下被撤職的。據報導，在 Al Arabiya 和 Al Hadath，這名軍官的獨立活動侵犯了敘利亞主權，導致下令將他驅逐。
黎巴嫩評論員 Ali Hashem 在 Al-Monitor 發表的另一篇文章聲稱提供了有關該政權高層反對伊朗存在日益增長的情緒的更多細節。
哈希姆援引匿名消息人士的話稱，阿薩德本人持謹慎態度，希望避免向伊朗人施壓讓他們離開。第二個陣營希望採取更堅定的立場，旨在促使伊朗人“接受敘利亞戰爭已經結束，不需要他們的存在”。根據哈希姆的消息來源，這個營地包括總統的妻子阿斯瑪和總統的弟弟馬赫。
涉案軍官 Javad Ghafari 將軍在內戰最激烈的時候，於 2015 年被任命為伊斯蘭革命衛隊駐敘利亞部隊的指揮官。死在敘利亞。
對敘利亞事件的進一步觀察表明，應對這些說法持懷疑態度。毫無疑問，加法裡被部署在敘利亞，現在已經離開。但他的離開在多大程度上反映了敘利亞努力將政權與其伊朗支持者分離，這仍然是一個值得商榷的問題。
敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德 8 月在大馬士革向本國議會成員發表講話。（信用：SANA/REUTERS）
這有兩個原因：首先，假設驅逐的時間可能與當前阿拉伯使阿薩德政權恢復國際合法性的外交運動相吻合。
其次，更重要的是，因為現有的實地證據表明伊朗在敘利亞的部署沒有重大變化。相反，伊朗人正在繼續努力鞏固他們在該國的存在，並通過將這些努力編入官方敘利亞武裝部隊的部署中來掩蓋這些努力。
就在阿聯酋外交部長阿卜杜拉·本·扎耶德·阿勒納哈揚訪問大馬士革幾天后，這位指揮官離職的消息曝光了。報導的不是政權媒體，而是沙特媒體。阿聯酋外交部長對大馬士革的訪問是迄今為止正在進行的結束敘利亞孤立的外交運動中最明顯的一步。阿聯酋率先開展了這項工作，最早於 2018 年重新開放了自己的大馬士革大使館。其他阿拉伯國家也參與其中。沙特阿拉伯、埃及和約旦都參與了這項工作。
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這些國家的意圖是在敘利亞內戰下劃清界限。阿薩德迫切需要重建資金。美國的《凱撒平民保護法》和歐洲堅持啟動政治進程意味著他無法獲得西方的慷慨。阿拉伯國家認為，誘導該政權並使其正常化是說服阿薩德放棄伊朗存在的最佳工具，在他們看來，他不再需要伊朗存在。Ghafari 離職的公告和隨後的文章顯然旨在提供這一進程已經開始的早期證據。
該政權厭倦了伊朗的存在並正在尋求減少或結束它的方法的觀點是否有任何實質內容？當然，近年來在親政權圈子中也能聽到這樣的情緒。阿薩德政權是家族獨裁。就其意識形態方面的表現而言，這些都是阿拉伯民族主義和沙文主義的方向。它的支持者與伊斯蘭革命衛隊的什葉派伊斯蘭革命者幾乎沒有共同之處。但伊朗在敘利亞的存在並不是個人喜好問題。如果沒有伊朗的援助，該政權幾乎肯定會在 2015 年俄羅斯干預之前垮台。
今天的伊朗在敘利亞擁有廣泛的基礎設施。這包括對一個邊境口岸（伊拉克和敘利亞之間的 Albukamal-Al Qaim）和通往它的道路的獨家控制，以及延伸到與以色列邊界的廣泛基地和陣地群島。它在敘利亞南部建立了真主黨式的民兵，從貧困的遜尼派人口中招募。此外，通過國防軍等編隊，它創建的結構如今已成為官方安全部隊的一部分。安全部隊中的某些長期存在的機構，例如空軍情報部門和第 4 師，也與伊斯蘭革命衛隊密切合作。
也就是說，伊朗，按照現在從黎巴嫩和伊拉克熟悉的模式，但在敘利亞的獨特情況下，在某種程度上實現了在敘利亞植入自己的“深層國家”，部分在政權結構內，部分在敘利亞之外。土壤，但超出了政權的控制。巴沙爾·阿薩德 (Bashar Assad) 根本不具備驅逐這種結構的手段。
問題在於，正如在黎巴嫩和伊拉克所看到的那樣，遜尼派阿拉伯國家也缺乏那種單獨可以挑戰伊朗結構的強制能力。海灣阿拉伯人和其他人可以帶來金錢、外交上的接受和合法性的回歸。然而，如果實現這一目標，則很可能與其他地方一樣存在，而不是取代伊朗控制的硬實力要素。
在伊朗在敘利亞領土上活動的最新證據中，敘利亞人權觀察組織本週的一份報告指出，伊朗在阿爾布卡邁勒地區的陣地於 11 月 12 日拆除了伊朗和民兵的旗幟，取而代之的是敘利亞政權的旗幟。據 SOHR 稱，這是在 11 月 10 日遭到不明無人機致命襲擊之後發生的，該組織在敘利亞和相關地區維持著一個線人網絡。很難找到一個更清晰的說明伊朗元素和政權之間相互聯繫的例子。
與此同時，總部位於以色列的阿爾瑪中心發表了一份報告，聲稱伊朗正在向敘利亞走私地對空導彈系統。如果得到證實，這將成為伊朗存在的威脅正在加深和擴大的最新證據。
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這個挑戰沒有簡單或容易的解決方案。以色列已經進行了八年的“戰爭之間的戰爭”運動。我們被告知，國防機構對所造成的損害和取得的進展感到滿意。儘管如此，伊朗在敘利亞的項目的深度和規模可能遠遠超出外科手術式空襲所能摧毀的範圍（儘管這些空襲肯定會摧毀特定係統並阻礙進展）。
這台機器仍然不太可能被遜尼派阿拉伯國家的外交驅逐，這些國家一再表明他們缺乏阻止伊朗及其代理人野心的關鍵硬實力能力。這些都是形勢嚴峻的方面。一名軍官的離職不會改變其基本要素。
Iran is not leaving Syria anytime soon
BEHIND THE LINES: Contrary to reports in regional media, there are no signs of an imminent Iranian drawdown in Damascus.
By JONATHAN SPYER
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 21:22
A ROAD is decorated with banners depicting Syria’s President Bashar Assad, and Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in the Lebanese village al-Ain, close to the border with Syria.
(photo credit: AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS)
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The departure of an Iranian Revolutionary Guards commander from Syria this month has led to some speculation in regional media that the Syrian regime is seeking to recalibrate its relations with Tehran. Two Saudi news outlets claimed that the officer was removed at the direct order of President Bashar Assad. According to the reports, in Al Arabiya and Al Hadath, the independent activities of the officer, in violation of Syrian sovereignty, led to the order for his removal.
An additional article by Lebanese commentator Ali Hashem at Al-Monitor purported to provide further details regarding the growing sentiment at the top of the regime against the Iranian presence.
According to Hashem, who quotes an unnamed source, Assad himself is cautious and wishes to avoid pressuring the Iranians to leave. A second camp wishes to take a firmer stance, intended to induce the Iranians “to accept that the war in Syria is over and there is no need for their presence.” This camp, according to Hashem’s source, includes the president’s wife, Asma, and the president’s younger brother, Maher.
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The officer in question, Gen. Javad Ghafari, was appointed commander of the IRGC’s forces in
Syria
at the height of the civil war, in 2015. He replaced IRGC general Hossein Hamadani, who was killed in that year – the highest ranking Iranian commander to die in Syria.
Closer observation of events in Syria suggests that these claims should be treated with some skepticism. That Ghafari was deployed in Syria and has now departed is not in doubt. But the extent to which his departure reflects a Syrian effort to detach the regime from its Iranian patrons remains deeply open to question.
SYRIAN PRESIDENT Bashar Assad addresses members of his country’s parliament in Damascus in August. (credit: SANA/REUTERS)
This is for two reasons: firstly, because the timing of the supposed expulsion fits perhaps a little too neatly with a current Arab diplomatic campaign to bring the Assad regime back to international legitimacy.
Secondly, and more importantly, because available evidence from the ground suggests no significant change in the Iranian deployment in Syria. Rather, the Iranians are continuing both in efforts to entrench their presence in the country, and in the cloaking of these efforts by weaving them into the deployments of the official Syrian Armed Forces.
The revelation of the commander’s departure came just days after the visit of UAE Foreign Minister Abdullah Bin Zayed Al Nahyan to Damascus. It was reported not in regime media outlets, but rather in Saudi media. The Emirati foreign minister’s visit to Damascus was the most visible step so far in an ongoing diplomatic campaign to end Syria’s isolation. The UAE has pioneered this effort, reopening its own Damascus Embassy as early as 2018. Other Arab states are on board. Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Jordan are all engaged in this effort.
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The intentions of these states is to draw a line under the Syrian civil war. Assad is in urgent need of funds for reconstruction. The US Caesar Civilian Protection Act, and the European insistence of the commencement of a political process mean that Western largesse is not available to him. The Arab states believe that inducement of the regime and normalization with it are the best tools for convincing Assad to dispense with the Iranian presence, which in their view he no longer needs. The announcement of Ghafari’s departure and the subsequent articles are clearly intended to offer early evidence that this process has begun.
Is there any substance to the notion that the regime has tired of the Iranian presence and is seeking ways to reduce or end it? Certainly, it has been possible to hear such sentiments expressed in pro-regime circles in recent years. The Assad regime is a family dictatorship. In so far as it has ideological pretensions, these are in the direction of Arab nationalism and chauvinism. Its supporters have little in common with the Shia Islamist revolutionaries of the IRGC. But the Iranian presence in Syria is not a matter of personal taste. Without Iranian assistance, the regime would almost certainly have fallen before the Russian intervention in 2015.
Iran today possesses an extensive infrastructure in Syria. This includes exclusive control of a border crossing, (Albukamal-Al Qaim, between Iraq and Syria,) and the roads leading from it, and an extensive archipelago of bases and positions extending to the border with Israel. It has established Hezbollah-style militias in southern Syria, recruited for pay from among the impoverished Sunni population. In addition, through such formations as the National Defense Forces, it has created structures that are today part of the official security forces. Certain bodies of long standing within the security forces, such as Air Force Intelligence and the 4th Division also work closely with the IRGC.
That is, Iran, in the pattern now familiar from Lebanon and Iraq, but in the unique circumstances of Syria, is some way toward achieving the implantation of its own “deep state” in Syria, partially within regime structures and partly outside, on Syrian soil but beyond the regime’s control. Bashar Assad simply does not possess the means to expel this structure.
The problem is that as is also seen in Lebanon and Iraq, the Sunni Arab powers also lack the kind of coercive abilities that alone could challenge the Iranian structures. The Gulf Arabs and the others can bring money, diplomatic acceptance and a return to legitimacy. This, however, if it is achieved, is likely as elsewhere to exist alongside, rather than in place of the Iran-controlled hard power element.
In the latest evidence emerging of Iran’s activities on Syrian soil, a report at the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights this week noted that Iranian positions in the Albukamal area took down Iranian and militia flags on November 12, replacing them with Syrian regime banners. This followed a deadly attack on November 10 by unidentified drones, according to SOHR, which maintains a network of informants across Syria and in the relevant area. A neater illustration of the interconnectedness of the Iranian element and the regime would be difficult to find.
The Israel-based Alma Center, meanwhile, published a report claiming Iran is in the process of smuggling surface-to-air missile systems into Syria. If confirmed, this would constitute the latest evidence of the deepening and widening threat of the Iranian presence.
There are no simple or easy solutions to this challenge. Israel has been engaged in its “war between the wars” campaign for eight years now. We are told that the defense establishment is pleased with the damage inflicted and the progress made. Still, the depth and dimensions of the Iranian project in Syria may well be beyond what can be destroyed by surgical air strikes alone (albeit that these can surely destroy particular systems and impede progress).
This machine is still less likely to be dislodged by the diplomacy of Sunni Arab states, who have shown again and again that they lack the crucial hard-power capacity to halt the ambitions of Iran and its proxies. These are the harsh dimensions of the situation. The departure of a single officer does not change its essential elements.
貝內特感謝土耳其的埃爾多安釋放以色列夫婦
這是自 2013 年以來以色列總理與埃爾多安之間的首次公開對話。
通過耶路撒冷郵報STAFF
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 18:40
更新時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 19:21
納夫塔利·貝內特總理在 2021 年 11 月 14 日的內閣會議上講話
（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/POOL）
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週四，總理納夫塔利·貝內特感謝土耳其總統雷傑普·塔伊普·埃爾多安為以色列夫婦納塔利和莫迪·奧克寧從伊斯坦布爾監獄獲釋所做的努力。
在兩人之間的電話中，貝內特稱讚以色列和土耳其之間在他所謂的人道主義問題上的溝通高效而謹慎。
這是自 2013 年以來以色列總理與埃爾多安之間的首次公開對話。
在外交部和總理辦公室以及總統辦公室的共同努力下，這對夫婦獲釋。
轉折點出現在摩薩德首領大衛·巴尼亞與土耳其同行交談時，他承諾與土耳其檢方的指控相反，奧克寧一家不是以色列間諜，與以色列情報部門沒有任何關係。
以色列駐土耳其臨時代辦伊里特·莉蓮 (Irit Lillian) 與埃爾多安的高級顧問易卜拉欣·卡林 (Ibrahim Kalin) 取得了聯繫，後者最終在周三下午通知她，奧克寧一家將被釋放。
土耳其總統塔伊普·埃爾多安於 2021 年 10 月 16 日在土耳其伊斯坦布爾舉行的新聞發布會上發表講話（來源：REUTERS/MURAD SEZER）
週四早些時候，埃爾多安與以色列總統艾薩克·赫爾佐格（Isaac Herzog）進行了交談，後者也感謝了土耳其總統，並表示希望兩國之間的外交關係更加溫暖。
Lahav Harkov 為本報告做出了貢獻。
Bennett thanks Turkey's Erdoğan for release of Israeli couple
This was the first public conversation between an Israeli Prime Minister and Erdoğan since 2013.
By JERUSALEM POST STAFF
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 18:40
Updated: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 19:21
Prime Minister Naftali Bennett speaks at a cabinet meeting on November 14, 2021
(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/POOL)
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Prime Minister Naftali Bennett thanked Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan on Thursday for his efforts in the release of Israeli couple Natali and Mordi Oaknin from jail in Instanbul.
In the phone call between the two, Bennett praised the communication between Israel and Turkey, which he described as efficient and discreet, on what he called a humanitarian issue.
This was the first public conversation between an Israeli Prime Minister and Erdoğan since 2013.
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The couple’s release came after a concerted effort from the Foreign Ministry and the Prime Minister’s Office, as well as the President’s Office.
The turning point came when Mossad chief David Barnea spoke to his Turkish counterpart and gave his word that contrary to the Turkish prosecution’s accusation, the Oaknins are not Israeli spies, and have nothing to do with Israeli intelligence.
Israeli Chargé d’Affaires in Turkey, Irit Lillian, was in contact with Erdogan’s senior adviser Ibrahim Kalin, who ultimately informed her on Wednesday afternoon that the Oaknins would be freed.
Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan speaks during a news conference in Istanbul, Turkey October 16, 2021 (credit: REUTERS/MURAD SEZER)
Earlier on Thursday, Erdoğan spoke with Israeli President Isaac Herzog, who also thanked the Turkish president and expressed hope for warmer diplomatic ties between the two countries.
Lahav Harkov contributed to this report.
赫爾佐格和埃爾多安在被監禁的以色列人獲釋後做出外交姿態
艾薩克·赫爾佐格在與土耳其總統雷傑普·塔伊普·埃爾多安的會談中表示，他歡迎就與和平有關的雙邊和地區問題進行全面對話。
通過LAHAV哈爾科夫
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 13:05
更新時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 20:41
土耳其總統塔伊普·埃爾多安於 2021 年 10 月 16 日在土耳其伊斯坦布爾舉行的新聞發布會上發表講話
（照片來源：路透社/穆拉德·塞澤）
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總裁艾薩克·赫爾佐格和土耳其總統埃爾多安為自己的國家之間溫暖的外交關係表示希望，以色列人被判入獄拍攝埃爾多安的HOUS後返回以色列é週四。
這通電話以及總理納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 與埃爾多安 (Erdogan) 之間的另一通電話，是在以色列和土耳其之間長達十多年的緊張局勢之後進行的。
赫爾佐格在電話中感謝埃爾多安對納塔利和莫迪奧克寧獲釋的“個人參與和貢獻”。
來自 Jpost 的最新文章
埃爾多安“強調了他對與以色列關係的重視，他說這對中東的和平、穩定和安全至關重要，”赫爾佐格的發言人說。
赫爾佐格“歡迎土耳其和以色列就與地區和平有關的雙邊和地區問題進行全面對話的願望。”
艾薩克·赫爾佐格校長在 9 月的新學年開學日參觀了一年級的班級。（來源：YOSSI ALONI/FLASH90）
土耳其對電話的宣讀根本沒有提到奧克寧一家，但在其他方面與以色列的聲明相似。
埃爾多安補充說：“如果在雙邊和地區問題上相互理解地採取行動，可以最大限度地減少意見分歧。”
總理辦公室表示，貝內特感謝埃爾多安親自參與讓奧克寧一家返回家園，稱這是一個人道主義問題。
貝內特稱讚以色列和土耳其在危機時期“高效而離散”的溝通。
埃爾多安的高級顧問易卜拉欣·卡林 (Ibrahim Kalin) 捲入了奧克寧一家的案件，奧克寧一家在伊斯坦布爾的電視塔上拍攝了埃爾多安的宮殿後被逮捕
然而，在外交部長、總理辦公室和赫爾佐格的密集干預後，包括致電卡林，他最終通知以色列在土耳其的臨時代辦伊里特莉蓮，奧克寧一家可以自由返回以色列。
在為期 9 天的磨難中，有人擔心這對夫婦被要求向以色列索要某種價格。
最後，正如一位外交消息人士所說，卡夫卡式事件是伊斯坦布爾地方當局的一個錯誤，並沒有要求以色列付出代價。
但埃爾多安最終可能仍會從以色列那裡得到一些東西：改善關係，儘管以色列媒體將奧克寧一家的監禁描述為專制政權的不公正心血來潮，並且廣泛的媒體呼籲以色列遊客抵制土耳其。
“也許他們應該再拘留幾天，然後人們就會學會不要去伊斯坦布爾，”耶路撒冷馬哈尼耶胡達市場的一名理髮師週四表示。
另一個回應：“我什至不會飛過伊斯坦布爾；我們可能會被逮捕。”
然而赫爾佐格、總理納夫塔利·貝內特和外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德對埃爾多安表示感謝，外交消息人士推測以色列和土耳其官員之間的接觸可能會重新點燃兩國之間的關係。
以色列和土耳其之間的不良關係可以追溯到 2008 年，當時在埃爾多安會見當時的總理埃胡德奧爾默特兩天后，以色列對加沙發動了鑄鉛行動，這讓土耳其總統看起來很尷尬，因為他看起來是同謀。
最低點出現在 2010 年 5 月，當時與埃爾多安有聯繫的 IHH（人道主義救濟基金會）派遣 Mavi Marmara 船破壞以色列國防軍對加沙的海上封鎖，武裝船上的一些人。以色列國防軍海軍突擊隊員攔住了這艘船，當他們遭到船上 IHH 成員的襲擊時，其中 9 人喪生。
在隨後的十年中，以色列和土耳其保持外交關係，甚至在 2016 年重新任命大使。但多年來，埃爾多安庇護哈馬斯恐怖分子，支持東耶路撒冷的破壞穩定活動，並指責以色列故意殺害巴勒斯坦兒童。
2018 年，土耳其驅逐以色列大使 Eitan Na'eh——現在是以色列駐巴林特使——以抗議以色列國防軍對加沙邊境巴勒斯坦騷亂的回應，以色列以實物回應。
與此同時，以色列與土耳其的歷史對手希臘和塞浦路斯建立了密切的關係，重點是能源和國防關係。以色列、希臘和塞浦路斯一直致力於開發天然氣田，控制北塞浦路斯的土耳其軍艦警告以色列船隻遠離塞浦路斯水域。
土耳其聲稱擁有希臘專屬經濟區的部分領土，以色列罕見地發表聲明，在爭端中站在希臘一邊。
但埃爾多安最近向以色列示好，這可能是土耳其介入該地區天然氣開發的一種方式，或者是修復土耳其總統與美國總統喬拜登之間不良關係的橋樑。
在去年接受《紐約時報》採訪時，拜登稱埃爾多安是“必須付出代價”的“獨裁者”。
去年 12 月，據報導，埃爾多安選擇了 40 歲的 Ufuk Ulutas，一位在希伯來大學學習的親巴勒斯坦學者，擔任他的駐以色列大使，儘管他從未在耶路撒冷提交過國書。
不久之後，埃爾多安在新聞發布會上表示，“我們的內心希望我們能夠將我們與（以色列）的關係提升到一個更好的水平”，而且情報共享一直完好無損，但“我們與以色列人民有一些困難。頂層”，而安卡拉“無法接受以色列對巴勒斯坦土地的態度。”
政府對埃爾多安的熱情表達以及 7 月與赫爾佐格進行了 40 分鐘的先例通話——促進了兩國之間的“全面對話”——表明儘管以色列民眾對奧克寧事件感到憤怒，但最終可能會結束拉近各國的距離。
Herzog, Erdogan make diplomatic overtures after jailed Israelis freed
Isaac Herzog said in a talk with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan that he welcomes a comprehensive dialogue on bilateral and regional issues related to peace.
By LAHAV HARKOV
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 13:05
Updated: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 20:41
Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan speaks during a news conference in Istanbul, Turkey October 16, 2021
(photo credit: REUTERS/MURAD SEZER)
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President Isaac Herzog and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan expressed hope for warmer diplomatic ties between their countries, after Israelis jailed for photographing Erdogan’s house returned to Israel on Thursday.
The phone call, as well as another between Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Erdogan, follows more than a decade of tension between Israel and Turkey.
Herzog thanked Erdogan on the phone “for his personal involvement and contribution” to Natali and Mordy Oaknin’s release.
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Erdogan “emphasized the importance that he attaches to relations with Israel, which he said were of key importance to the peace, stability, and security of the Middle East,” Herzog’s spokesman said.
Herzog “welcomed the desire for Turkey and Israel to hold a comprehensive dialogue on bilateral and regional issues related to regional
peace
.”
The Turkish readout of the call did not mention the Oaknins at all, but was otherwise similar to the Israeli statement.
Erdogan added that “differences of opinion can be minimized if acted upon with mutual understanding in both bilateral and regional issues.”
The Prime Minister’s Office said Bennett thanked Erdogan for his personal involvement in allowing the Oaknins to return home, saying it was a humanitarian matter.
Bennett praised the “efficient and discrete” communication between Israel and Turkey in a time of crisis.
Erdogan’s senior adviser Ibrahim Kalin became involved in the case of the Oaknins, who were arrested as suspected spies after photographing Erdogan’s palace from a television tower in Istanbul
However, after intensive intervention by the foreign minister, the Prime Minister’s Office and Herzog, including calls to Kalin, he ultimately informed Israel’s chargé d’affaires in Turkey, Irit Lillian, that the Oaknins were free to return to Israel.
Throughout the nine-day ordeal, there were concerns that the couple was being held to exact a price of some kind from Israel.
In the end, the Kafkaesque incident was a mistake by local authorities in Istanbul, as one diplomatic source put it, and Israel was not asked to pay a price.
But Erdogan may still end up getting something out of Israel: better relations, despite the Israeli media’s description of the Oaknins’ incarceration as the unjust whim of an autocratic regime, and widespread media calls for Israeli tourists to boycott Turkey.
“Maybe they should have kept them in detention for a few more days, then people will learn not to go to Istanbul,” a barber in Jerusalem’s Mahaneh Yehuda market said on Thursday.
Responded another: “I won’t even fly through Istanbul; we’d probably be arrested.”
Yet Herzog, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Foreign Minister Yair Lapid expressed gratitude to Erdogan, and the diplomatic source speculated that the contact between Israeli and Turkish officials could rekindle ties between the countries.
Poor relations between Israel and Turkey go back as far as 2008, when Israel launched Operation Cast Lead against Gaza two days after Erdogan met with then-prime minister Ehud Olmert, embarrassing the Turkish president for looking complicit.
The nadir came in May 2010, when the Erdogan-linked IHH (Humanitarian Relief Foundation) sent the Mavi Marmara ship to bust the IDF’s naval blockade on Gaza, arming some of the people aboard. IDF naval commandos stopped the ship, and when they were attacked by IHH members aboard, killed nine of them.
During the ensuing decade, Israel and Turkey maintained diplomatic relations, even reinstalling ambassadors in 2016. But over the years, Erdogan harbored Hamas terrorists, backed destabilizing activities in east Jerusalem, and accused Israel of intentionally killing Palestinian children.
In 2018, Turkey expelled Israeli Ambassador Eitan Na’eh – now Israel’s envoy to Bahrain – to protest the IDF’s response to Palestinian rioting on the Gaza border, and Israel responded in kind.
Meanwhile, Israel has developed close ties with Greece and Cyprus, Turkey’s historic adversaries, with an emphasis on energy and defense ties. Israel, Greece and Cyprus have worked on developing natural gas fields, and the warships of Turkey, which controls Northern Cyprus, have warned Israeli ships away from Cypriot waters.
Turkey has claimed parts of Greece’s exclusive economic zone, and Israel issued a rare statement taking Greece’s side in the dispute.
But Erdogan has made overtures toward Israel more recently, which could be a way for Turkey to get in on the natural gas developments in the region, or a bridge to repair bad relations between the Turkish president and US President Joe Biden.
In an interview with The New York Times last year, Biden called Erdogan an “autocrat” who “has to pay a price.”
Last December, Erdogan was reported to have chosen Ufuk Ulutas, 40, a pro-Palestinian academic who studied at Hebrew University, to be his ambassador to Israel, though he never presented credentials in Jerusalem.
Soon after, Erdogan said in a news conference that “our heart desires that we can move our relations with [Israel] to a better point,” and that intelligence sharing has always been intact, but that “we have some difficulties with the people at the top,” and Ankara “cannot accept the attitude of Israel toward the Palestinian lands.”
The government’s effusive expressions of gratitude to Erdogan and a 40-minute precedent-setting call with Herzog in July – promoting a “comprehensive dialogue” between the countries – indicates that despite popular anger in Israel at Turkey over the Oaknin affair, it could end up bringing the countries closer.
蘇丹反政變抗議 至少15人被槍殺
目擊者說，安全部隊發射了實彈和催淚瓦斯，以防止這三個城市發生集會，手機通訊也被切斷。
通過路透
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 04:50
上週，人們聚集在喀土穆街頭，濃煙滾滾，蘇丹發生政變。
（圖片來源：來自路透社的RASD蘇丹網絡）
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醫務人員說，安全部隊開槍打死至少 15 人，打傷數十人，數千名蘇丹人星期三走上街頭，這是一個月來反對軍事統治的示威活動中最致命的一天。
抗議者遊行反對10 月 25 日在首都喀土穆以及巴赫里和恩圖曼市發生的政變，要求完全移交給文職當局，並要求對 10 月 25 日政變的領導人進行審判。
目擊者說，安全部隊發射了實彈和催淚瓦斯，以防止這三個城市發生集會，手機通訊也被切斷。國家電視台稱，抗議者和警察中有人受傷。
“政變部隊在首都的不同地區大量使用實彈，有數十人受槍傷，其中一些傷勢嚴重，”與抗議運動結盟的蘇丹醫生中央委員會說。他們說，死亡集中在巴里。
路透社的一名目擊者稱，作為回應，抗議者設置了大量路障，清空了街道上的交通。
“人們現在很害怕，”一名恩圖曼抗議者說。
早些時候，在喀土穆的主要道路上，抗議者燒毀輪胎並高呼：“人民更強大，撤退是不可能的。”
其他人則攜帶在先前抗議活動中遇難者和在政變期間被軟禁的文職總理阿卜杜拉·哈姆多克 (Abdalla Hamdok) 的照片，口號是：“合法性來自街頭，而不是來自大砲。”
社交媒體上發布了蘇丹港、卡薩拉、東戈拉、瓦德馬達尼和朱奈納等城鎮的抗議圖片。
目擊者說，安全部隊大量部署在主要道路和十字路口，尼羅河上的橋樑被關閉。
安全部隊沒有立即發表評論，也無法聯繫到警方代表發表評論。軍事領導人阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·布爾汗將軍錶示，和平抗議是允許的，軍方不會殺害抗議者。
美國負責非洲事務的助理國務卿莫莉·菲（Molly Phee）在推特上說：“我對蘇丹今天發生的暴力和生命損失的報導感到難過。我們譴責針對和平抗議者的暴力行為，並呼籲尊重和保護蘇丹的人權。 ”
Phee在周二訪問喀土穆期間會見了Hamdok，他們討論了恢復蘇丹民主過渡的方法。
逮捕
政變結束了軍方和文職聯盟之間的過渡夥伴關係，該聯盟幫助在 2019 年推翻了獨裁者奧馬爾·巴希爾。
儘管來自西方國家的壓力，這些國家已經暫停了經濟援助，但調解努力停滯不前，布爾汗在巴希爾時代退伍軍人的幫助下開始鞏固控制權。
美國國務卿安東尼·布林肯在肯尼亞發表講話說：“我們支持（蘇丹人民）恢復蘇丹民主過渡的呼籲”，並補充說該國一直在走向穩定，他“積極參與”此事。
抗議者和路透社的一名目擊者說，他們看到安全部隊將抗議者追入社區和家中進行逮捕。
“即使在舊政權下，我們也從未在巴里發生過像今天這樣的暴力事件，”一名示威者說，他說空氣中充斥著催淚瓦斯，安全部隊在周三晚上使用實彈。
“政變部隊正在過度鎮壓，並在幾個地區包圍革命者的遊行，”幫助推動抗議活動的蘇丹專業人士協會說。
“在此之前，語音和互聯網通信服務被故意中斷。”
蘇丹的移動互聯網服務自 10 月 25 日起暫停，使反軍事集會、罷工和公民不服從運動複雜化。
醫生委員會和其他工會在一份聲明中表示，安全部隊曾試圖突襲恩圖曼的一家醫院並包圍另一家醫院，釋放催淚瓦斯並阻止患者進入。一名示威者說，在巴里的醫院也目睹了同樣的情況。
週三的死亡使該委員會自政變以來的死亡人數達到 39 人。
聯合國結社自由與和平問題特別報告員克萊門特·沃勒（Clement Voule）在推特上說：“軍事指揮官將對這些虐待行為負責。”
伊朗持不同政見者贏得抗議維也納核談判的權利
奧地利法院否決了政府對示威者的禁令。
通過BENJAMIN WEINTHAL
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 02:33
更新時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 15:48
2021 年 4 月 20 日，在奧地利維也納舉行了聯合全面行動計劃（JCPOA）或伊朗核協議聯合委員會會議的酒店外，警察站在酒店外。
（圖片來源：路透社/LEONHARD FOEGER）
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紐約——週五，維也納的一家行政法院駁回了警方和外交部禁止伊朗持不同政見者在世界大國與伊朗伊斯蘭共和國舉行核談判的酒店前抗議的決定。
奧地利報紙《標準報》週一報導稱，驅逐異見人士的一連串事件始於歐盟高級外交官 6 月給奧地利外交部長彼得·勞恩斯基-蒂芬塔爾 (Peter Launsky-Tieffenthal) 發送的一封電子郵件，後者發送了投訴，這是第一個由伊朗政權談判人員發起，向維也納警方提出。
德黑蘭的外交官說，抗議者製造的噪音擾亂了維也納大酒店的核談判。維也納法院斷然駁回了噪音論點。法院建立的酒店，那裡的抗議者位於外側的交通噪聲水平，是一個分貝勝於在環城大道，環繞內城環形大道示威維也納，根據標準。
法院還指出，政府聲稱有一天聽到“令人無法忍受的噪音”的說法不可能發生，因為那天警方宣布示威活動為非法。《標準》獲得的警方報告顯示，示威者沒有以任何方式乾擾與擴音器的談話或其他活動。
不可能對法律裁決提出上訴。
《標準》沒有透露向奧地利外交部通報伊朗持不同政見者的所謂噪音的歐洲外交官的姓名。《耶路撒冷郵報》6 月報導說，出席原子能會談的歐盟歐洲對外行動署副秘書長/政治主任恩里克·莫拉出面乾預，以驅逐在維也納大酒店對面抗議的伊朗人。
2021 年 5 月 24 日，在奧地利維也納，在冠狀病毒病 (COVID-19) 大流行期間，伊朗國旗飄揚在國際原子能機構總部所在的聯合國辦公大樓前。（來源：LISI NIESNER/REUTERS）
該帖子得到警方命令的副本的時候禁止伊朗持不同政見者“的抗議，這是標有”停止獨裁者在伊朗。“ 在6 月份與《華盛頓郵報》的 Skype 對話中，伊朗持不同政見者阿圖薩·薩巴格 (Atusa Sabagh) 表示，維也納警方告訴抗議者，時任奧地利外交部長、現任總理的亞歷山大·沙倫伯格 (Alexander Schallenberg) 表示，他們“不允許抗議”。薩巴格說，抗議者告訴警方“我們不會接受”。
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伊朗持不同政見者肖萊·扎米尼 (Sholei Zamini) 對德黑蘭教職人員政權侵犯人權的行為進行了十多年的抗議，他告訴《標準》，該裁決“表明奧地利司法機構可以克服來自國外的壓力”。
奧地利國際特赦組織主任安妮瑪麗·施拉克告訴該報，“行政法院的決定令人欣慰，但遺憾的是為時已晚。示威活動無法在 6 月份舉行。我們當時需要法律確定性。”
伊朗持不同政見者稱，意大利外交官莫拉敦促奧地利外交部平息他們的抗議，竭盡全力安撫德黑蘭的神權國家，但在 8 月引發了強烈批評。歐洲議會的九名成員正式向歐盟外交政策負責人約瑟夫·博雷爾抱怨莫拉出席了伊朗總統易卜拉欣·賴西 8 月的就職典禮。
歐洲議會議員指出：“在這個敏感時期，向一位有著如此黑暗記錄的總統的就職典禮派遣如此高級代表，與歐洲維護和捍衛人權的承諾相矛盾，”他補充說，賴西的勝利是“一場虛假選舉， ”，而且他“對最令人髮指的侵犯人權行為負有個人責任的駭人聽聞的記錄”。
美國政府制裁 Raisi，因為他在 1988 年大規模謀殺了 5,000 多名伊朗囚犯，並在 2019 年第二次大規模謀殺了至少 1,500 名抗議者。
核談判定於 11 月 29 日重啟，旨在讓伊朗政權遵守 2015 年的聯合全面行動計劃（JCPOA），這是伊朗與世界大國簽署的核協議的正式名稱。該協議對該政權生產核武器裝置的能力提供了臨時限制，以換取經濟制裁救濟。
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美國於 2018 年退出 JCPOA，因為美國官員表示這並沒有阻止德黑蘭開發世界上最致命的武器。美國也在就重新加入該協議進行談判。
伊朗持不同政見者和 JCPOA 的批評者表示，該協議存在致命缺陷，因為它無視伊朗政權可怕的人權記錄、對其公民的暴力鎮壓以及德黑蘭對國際恐怖主義的支持。批評者認為，計劃中的交易並不尋求限制該政權的彈道導彈計劃。民主和共和政府下的美國政府都將伊朗政權歸類為世界上最糟糕的恐怖主義支持者。
Iranian dissidents win right to protest against nuke talks in Vienna
Austrian court overrules the government's ban of demonstrators.
By BENJAMIN WEINTHAL
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 02:33
Updated: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 15:48
Police stand outside a hotel where a meeting of the Joint Commission of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), or Iran nuclear deal, is held in Vienna, Austria, April 20, 2021.
(photo credit: REUTERS/LEONHARD FOEGER)
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NEW YORK- An administrative court in Vienna on Friday rejected the police and Foreign Ministry decision to bar Iranian dissidents from protesting in front of the hotel where nuclear talks are being held between the world powers and the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The Austrian paper Der Standard reported on Monday that the chain of events to oust the dissidents started with an email from a top EU diplomat to the general-secretary of Austria’s Foreign Ministry Peter Launsky-Tieffenthal in June, who sent the complaint, which was first initiated by the Iranian regime negotiators, to the Vienna police.
Tehran’s diplomats said the protestors caused noise that disrupted the atomic negotiations in the Grand Hotel Wien. The Vienna court flatly rejected the noise argument. The court established that the traffic noise level outside the hotel, where the protestors were located, was a decibel louder than the demonstrators on Ringstrasse, a circular boulevard that surrounds the inner city of Vienna, according to the Standard.
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The court also noted that the government’s claim that “intolerable noise” was heard one day could not have happened because the police outlawed the demonstration on that day. Police reports obtained by the
Standard
showed that the demonstrators did not disrupt in any way the talks with loudspeakers or other activities.
An appeal of the legal ruling is not possible.
The Standard did not name the European diplomat who notified Austria’s Foreign Ministry about the alleged noise from the Iranian dissidents. The Jerusalem Post reported in June that Enrique Mora, the deputy secretary-general/political director of European External Action Service for the EU, who was present at the atomic talks, intervened to oust the Iranians who protested across from the Grand Hotel Wien.
Iranian flag flies in front of the UN office building, housing IAEA headquarters, amid the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, in Vienna, Austria, May 24, 2021. (credit: LISI NIESNER/ REUTERS)
The Post obtained a copy of the police order at the time banning the Iranian dissidents’ protest, which was labeled “Stop the dictator in Iran.” In a Skype conversation with the Post in June, Atusa Sabagh, an Iranian dissident, said the Vienna police told protesters that then-Austrian foreign minister Alexander Schallenberg, who is the current chancellor, said they “are not allowed to protest.” Sabagh said the protestors told the police that “we will not accept that.”
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IRANIAN DISSIDENT Sholei Zamini, who has protested for more than ten years against human rights violations carried out by the clerical regime in Tehran, told the Standard the ruling “showed that the Austrian judiciary can overcome pressure from abroad.”
Annemarie Schlack, the director of Amnesty International in Austria, told the paper that "the decision of the administrative court is gratifying, but unfortunately too late. The demonstrations could not take place in June. We needed legal certainty at that time."
Mora, the Italian diplomat, who Iranian dissidents say has gone to great lengths to placate the theocratic state in Tehran by urging the Austrian Foreign Ministry to silence their protest, sparked intense criticism in August. Nine members of the European Parliament formally complained to EU foreign policy head Josep Borrell about Mora’s presence at the inauguration of Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in August.
“Sending such senior representation to the inauguration of a president with such a dark record, at this sensitive time, contradicts European commitments to uphold and stand up for human rights,” noted the MEPs, who added that Raisi’s victory was “a sham election,” and that he has an “appalling record of personal responsibility for the most heinous of human rights abuses.”
The US government sanctioned Raisi for his roles in the mass murder of over 5,000 Iranian prisoners in 1988 and a second mass murder of at least 1,500 protestors in 2019.
The nuclear talks, which are slated to restart on November 29, seek to bring the Iranian regime into compliance with the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), the formal name for the nuclear deal signed between Iran and the world powers. The agreement provides temporary restrictions on the regime’s capability to produce a nuclear weapons device in exchange for economic sanctions relief.
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The US withdrew from the JCPOA in 2018 because American officials said it did not stop Tehran from developing the world’s deadliest weapons. The US is also negotiating about its re-entry into the pact.
Iranian dissidents and critics of the JCPOA say the deal is fatally flawed because it ignores the Iranian regime’s horrific human rights records, violent repression of its citizens and Tehran’s sponsorship of international terrorism. The planned deal, argue critics, does not seek to restrict the regime’s ballistic missile program. The US government under both democratic and republican administrations has classified Iran’s regime as the world’s worst state-sponsor of terrorism.
伊斯蘭國現在出現在阿富汗所有省份 - 聯合國特使
“這是一個值得國際社會更多關注的領域，”她說。
通過路透
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 17 日 22:41
更新時間： 2021 年 11 月 17 日 23:40
2021 年 11 月 2 日，塔利班戰士在阿富汗喀布爾急診醫院門口檢查受傷的同志
（圖片來源：路透社/ZOHRA BENSEMRA）
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聯合國駐阿富汗特使周三對塔利班接管後的局勢進行了慘淡的評估，稱伊斯蘭國集團的一個附屬機構已經發展壯大，現在幾乎遍布所有 34 個省。
聯合國特別代表黛博拉·萊昂斯告訴聯合國安理會，塔利班對伊斯蘭國呼羅珊省 (ISKP) 擴張的回應“似乎嚴重依賴於對伊斯蘭國呼羅珊省疑似戰士的法外拘留和殺害”。
“這是一個值得國際社會更多關注的領域，”她說。
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她的評論是在該組織 - 塔利班的意識形態敵人 - 聲稱對喀布爾什葉派穆斯林社區的兩起爆炸事件負責，該爆炸至少造成一人死亡，六人受傷。
她說，塔利班一直無法阻止 ISKP 的發展。
上週，塔利班代表抵達卡塔爾多哈會見美國和歐洲代表。（信用：路透社）
“曾經僅限於少數省份和首都，ISKP 現在似乎幾乎遍布所有省份，並且越來越活躍，”里昂說，並補充說，該組織的襲擊次數已從 2020 年的 60 次增加到今年的 334 次。
儘管塔利班在與美國進行了 20 年的戰爭後於 8 月奪取了喀布爾，但他們正在“真正努力展示自己的政府”，但他們繼續排斥社會其他部門的代表，並限制婦女和女童的權利。
她說，聯合國特派團定期收到有關房屋搜查和前安全人員和官員“法外處決”的可靠報告。
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由於經濟不景氣和乾旱，冬天即將來臨，里昂再次警告人道主義災難。
她懇請國際社會想辦法為醫護人員、教師和人道主義工作者的工資提供資金，稱人道主義援助是不夠的。
里昂斯說，經濟崩潰將助長非法毒品、武器和人口販運以及不受監管的貨幣交易，這些“只會助長恐怖主義”。
“這些病狀將首先影響阿富汗，”她說。“那麼他們就會感染該地區。”
Islamic State now appears present in all Afghan provinces - UN envoy
"This is an area deserving more attention from the international community," she said.
By REUTERS
Published: NOVEMBER 17, 2021 22:41
Updated: NOVEMBER 17, 2021 23:40
Taliban fighters check on injured comrades at the entrance of the emergency hospital in Kabul, Afghanistan November 2, 2021
(photo credit: REUTERS/ZOHRA BENSEMRA)
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The UN envoy to Afghanistan on Wednesday delivered a bleak assessment of the situation following the Taliban takeover, saying that an affiliate of the Islamic State group has grown and now appears present in nearly all 34 provinces.
UN Special Representative Deborah Lyons told the UN Security Council that the Taliban's response to Islamic State-Khorasan Province's (ISKP) expansion "appears to rely heavily on extrajudicial detentions and killings" of suspected ISKP fighters.
"This is an area deserving more attention from the international community," she said.
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Her comments came hours after the group -- an ideological foe of the Taliban -- claimed responsibility for two blasts that killed at least one person and wounded six others in a heavily Shiite Muslim neighborhood of Kabul.
The Taliban, she said, has been unable to stem ISKP's growth.
Taliban delegates arrive to meet with US and European delegates in Doha, Qatar, last week. (credit: REUTERS)
"Once limited to a few provinces and the capital, ISKP now seems to be present in nearly all provinces, and increasingly active," Lyons said, adding that the number of the group's attacks have increased from 60 strikes in 2020 to 334 this year.
While the
Taliban is making "genuine efforts to present itself as a government" since seizing Kabul in August after a 20-year war with the United States, they continue excluding representatives of other sectors of society and curtailing the rights of women and girls.
The UN mission regularly receives credible reports of house searches and the "extrajudicial killings" of former security personnel and officials, she said.
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Lyons warned anew of a humanitarian catastrophe as winter looms due to a failing economy and drought.
She implored the international community to find ways to fund the salaries of healthcare workers, teachers and humanitarian workers, saying humanitarian aid is insufficient.
The economic collapse will fuel illicit drug, arms and human trafficking and unregulated money exchanges that "can only help facilitate terrorism," Lyons said.
"These pathologies will first affect Afghanistan," she said. "Then they will infect the region."
PA在巴勒斯坦人中的受歡迎程度創歷史新低
巴勒斯坦事務：金融危機和執法不力給拉馬拉帶來了不好的情緒。
由哈利·阿布·托梅
發佈時間： 2021 年 11 月 18 日 21:30
巴勒斯坦人上週在拉馬拉遊行，紀念巴勒斯坦領導人亞西爾·阿拉法特逝世 17 週年。
（圖片來源：FLASH90）
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過去一周，巴勒斯坦人紀念了三件“歷史性”事件。
第一，前巴解組織領導人亞西爾·阿拉法特逝世 17 週年，他於 2004 年 11 月 11 日去世。第二，阿拉法特於 1988 年 11 月 15 日在阿爾及爾宣布巴勒斯坦獨立宣言 33 週年。第三，巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯的生日也是在 11 月 15 日，他 86 歲。
前兩次的集會規模相對較小，其中大部分在西岸舉行。然而，阿巴斯的生日卻無人注意。他的助手指出，他沒有慶祝生日的習慣，至少沒有在公共場合慶祝。
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按照過去的慣例，阿巴斯在阿拉法特逝世和巴勒斯坦獨立宣言的周年紀念日向其前任在拉馬拉的墳墓敬獻花圈，並重申他對組建巴勒斯坦統一政府的承諾，同時譴責以色列涉嫌破壞兩國解決方案和“殺害無辜兒童”。
在過去的一周裡，阿巴斯在拉馬拉的穆卡塔總統府邸的氣氛並不樂觀。
馬哈茂德·阿巴斯總統於 2020 年 8 月 18 日在以色列佔領的約旦河西岸拉馬拉的一次會議上做手勢。（圖片來源：REUTERS/MOHAMAD TOROKMAN）
巴勒斯坦權力機構正面臨嚴重的金融危機，主要是由於國際社會的財政援助急劇減少。
巴勒斯坦權力機構表示，這場危機也是以色列從其代表巴勒斯坦人徵收的稅收中扣除數百萬謝克爾的政策的結果。扣除額相當於巴勒斯坦權力機構向因對以色列人發動恐怖襲擊而被以色列殺害或監禁的巴勒斯坦人家屬支付的金額。
巴勒斯坦官員說，金融危機是巴勒斯坦權力機構近年來面臨的最嚴重的危機之一。
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巴勒斯坦權力機構總理穆罕默德·施泰耶本週前往挪威參加一年一度的巴勒斯坦權力機構捐助國會議。訪問前夕，施泰耶表示，他將敦促捐助國增加對巴勒斯坦權力機構的財政援助，並施壓以色列停止從巴勒斯坦稅收中扣除付款的政策。
但拉馬拉的一位高級官員本週表示，他對 Shtayyeh 成功完成任務的可能性並不樂觀。
“我們從歐洲捐助者那裡收到的信息並不令人鼓舞，”這位官員說。“他們忙於自己的問題，尤其是在冠狀病毒爆發的情況下。我們被告知，我們需要等到明年才能恢復財政援助。”
與此同時，巴勒斯坦官員表示，他們也對拜登政府未能兌現其重新向巴勒斯坦權力機構提供財政援助的承諾感到失望。
“美國人告訴我們，我們需要耐心，”另一位巴勒斯坦高級官員說。“拜登政府似乎正試圖找到在不違反美國法律的情況下恢復財政援助的方法，尤其是《泰勒部隊法》，該法案因向囚犯和烈士的家屬付款而停止了對巴勒斯坦民族權力機構的經濟援助。”
週三晚上，阿巴斯在辦公室會見了美國駐聯合國大使琳達·托馬斯-格林菲爾德，再次指責以色列政府破壞兩國解決方案。他說，巴勒斯坦人期待美國政府兌現承諾，包括重新開放美國駐耶路撒冷領事館，以及對兩國解決方案的承諾。
巴勒斯坦人不僅對拜登政府感到失望，對阿拉伯國家也感到失望。巴勒斯坦權力機構一再呼籲阿拉伯政府履行其向巴勒斯坦人提供數億美元援助的承諾，卻被置若罔聞。
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據巴勒斯坦官員稱，自今年年初以來，巴勒斯坦權力機構沒有收到來自阿拉伯國家的資金。在簽署亞伯拉罕協議後，巴勒斯坦人和幾個阿拉伯國家，特別是海灣國家之間的緊張局勢，這並不令人意外。
巴勒斯坦人正在為反复襲擊與以色列簽署正常化協議的阿拉伯國家付出代價。在各種社交媒體平台上，巴勒斯坦人被他們的阿拉伯兄弟斥為“忘恩負義的人”，“在巴勒斯坦問題上進行販賣”。
毫不奇怪，阿巴斯沒有收到大多數阿拉伯總統和君主在巴勒斯坦獨立宣言發表 33 週年之際向他表示祝賀的消息。
據巴勒斯坦權力機構官方通訊社報導，阿巴斯收到了許多世界領導人的“賀電”，其中包括中國、馬里、毛里塔尼亞、哈薩克斯坦、馬拉維、尼加拉瓜、馬耳他和烏茲別克斯坦的總統。到週四，來自阿拉伯世界的唯一電報來自約旦、埃及、阿爾及利亞和摩洛哥。
值得注意的是，雖然大多數阿拉伯國家已經背棄了巴勒斯坦人，但以色列正在直接轉向巴勒斯坦權力機構。
以色列正試圖說服捐助國恢復對巴勒斯坦權力機構的財政援助。據報導，以色列甚至要求拜登政府向阿拉伯國家施壓，要求恢復對巴勒斯坦人的財政援助。
以色列有充分的理由擔心巴勒斯坦權力機構可能崩潰。最近幾週，越來越多的跡象表明巴勒斯坦權力機構開始失去對希伯倫和西岸北部一些地區的控制，尤其是傑寧。
希伯倫敵對部族之間的日常衝突讓該市的居民懷疑巴勒斯坦權力機構是否仍在控制局勢。巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊一直無法阻止蒙面槍手縱火焚燒希伯倫的幾家商店、房屋和車輛。一些絕望的希伯倫居民以前所未有的舉動呼籲阿卜杜拉國王派遣約旦軍隊前往他們的城市停止戰鬥。
“向約旦國王阿卜杜拉發出呼籲的目的是向巴勒斯坦權力機構發出警告，”來自希伯倫的商人艾哈邁德·賈巴里 (Ahmad Ja'bari) 說。“希伯倫人民想讓巴勒斯坦權力機構難堪，因為它沒有採取任何措施來保護他們和他們的財產。這裡的感覺是，巴勒斯坦權力機構對執行法律和秩序不感興趣，因為許多歹徒都隸屬於其執政的法塔赫派系。”
上週五在傑寧發生的事情更加令人不安，不僅對巴勒斯坦權力機構如此，對以色列也是如此。
數十名哈馬斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織槍手以及數千名巴勒斯坦人參加了上週因冠狀病毒並發症去世的哈馬斯高級官員瓦斯菲卡巴哈的葬禮。
哈馬斯和 PIJ 槍手在傑寧街頭公開露面，以及葬禮上的大量觀眾，被許多巴勒斯坦人視為對阿巴斯和巴勒斯坦權力機構精心策劃的挑戰。
憤怒的阿巴斯通過解僱傑寧的巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊的指揮官做出回應。據報導，他後來指示他的安全部隊鎮壓約旦河西岸北部的哈馬斯和 PIJ 成員。
上週，Shin Bet 主任 Ronen Bar 和 Abbas 之間的會談的核心是哈馬斯和 PIJ 的活動增加，以及巴勒斯坦權力機構控制地區的無法無天和無政府狀態的情況越來越多。
在拉馬拉阿巴斯官邸會見期間，雙方同意加強安全協調，打擊哈馬斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭解放陣線的影響，在希伯倫和其他巴勒斯坦社區維護法律和秩序。
但巴爾和阿巴斯之間的會面可能會適得其反，至少就巴勒斯坦權力機構主席而言。
許多巴勒斯坦人不喜歡這樣的會議，他們認為與以色列的安全協調是叛國行為。那些宣傳這次會議的人對阿巴斯造成了進一步的傷害，阿巴斯已經因為他對以色列的“和解”政策而面臨巴勒斯坦人越來越多的批評。最近的民意調查顯示，近80%的巴勒斯坦民眾希望阿巴斯下台。
正是這樣的會議使關於組建巴勒斯坦聯合政府的談話聽起來像一個笑話。哈馬斯不會加入任何與以色列進行民事和安全協調的巴勒斯坦權力機構政府。哈馬斯不會加入任何部長與以色列同行會面的政府。
此外，值得注意的是，哈馬斯領導人一再拒絕阿巴斯提出的將他們納入聯合政府的條件。
在過去的幾周里，阿巴斯表示，如果哈馬斯想加入一個統一政府，它必須承認所有與以色列-阿拉伯衝突有關的國際決議。換句話說，阿巴斯希望哈馬斯承認以色列並接受兩國解決方案。那些相信哈馬斯會在此類爆炸性問題上做出任何讓步的人，是活在幻想之中。
哈馬斯領導人繼續談論“解放全巴勒斯坦”和“加強抵抗”對以色列的必要性。
就阿巴斯而言，他似乎並不急於返回加沙地帶。他似乎也沒有認真對待讓哈馬斯進入他的政府。所謂“民族團結”，主要是針對國內消費的。他想向巴勒斯坦人表明，他不是造成約旦河西岸和加沙地帶分裂的人。
隨著阿巴斯和哈馬斯繼續相互廝殺，以色列與一些阿拉伯國家的關係似乎正在快速向前發展。這些阿拉伯人不再關心巴勒斯坦權力機構關於與以色列正常化的尖刻言論。除了哈馬斯和阿拉伯和西方“反正常化”團體外，唯一擔心以色列與阿拉伯國家和解的人只有阿巴斯和他的高級官員。
儘管阿巴斯可能會嫉妒那些與以色列實現正常化的人，但他知道加入這股潮流會使他的政權垮台。因此，他不得不繼續他的舊雙人遊戲：不斷升級對以色列的修辭攻擊，同時依靠它來防止巴勒斯坦權力機構崩潰。
就歐洲人而言，他們顯然受夠了阿巴斯一再承諾舉行早該舉行的大選、打擊猖獗的腐敗以及結束他的巴勒斯坦權力機構與哈馬斯之間的爭端。他們似乎也對巴勒斯坦權力機構在西岸對巴勒斯坦人犯下的侵犯人權行為感到失望，特別是殺害反腐敗活動家尼扎爾·巴納特（Nizar Banat），他於 6 月被巴勒斯坦權力機構安全官員毆打致死。
拜登政府在與巴勒斯坦權力機構和阿巴斯的交往中似乎也保持低調。據說巴勒斯坦權力機構主席對拜登在去年 9 月的聯合國大會期間拒絕在紐約會見他感到失望。由於拜登拒絕與他會面，阿巴斯取消了對紐約的訪問後，在拉馬拉的視頻會議上發表了講話。
受到大多數阿拉伯國家的迴避和越來越多的巴勒斯坦人的厭惡，阿巴斯清楚地得出結論，他生存的關鍵掌握在以色列手中，他和巴勒斯坦權力機構日夜工作以妖魔化以色列。指責它進行種族清洗，殺害無辜的巴勒斯坦人，襲擊伊斯蘭和基督教聖地，並致力於將耶路撒冷“猶太化”。
PA popularity among Palestinians at an all-time low
PALESTINIAN AFFAIRS: A financial crisis and a failure to enforce law and order have brought a bad mood to Ramallah.
By KHALED ABU TOAMEH
Published: NOVEMBER 18, 2021 21:30
PALESTINIANS MARCH in Ramallah last week as they mark the 17th anniversary of the death of Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat.
(photo credit: FLASH90)
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In the past week, the Palestinians marked three “historic” events.
First, the 17th anniversary of the death of former PLO leader Yasser Arafat, who died on November 11, 2004. Second, the 33rd anniversary of the Palestinian Declaration of Independence, proclaimed by Arafat on November 15, 1988, in Algiers. Third, the birthday of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, who turned 86, also on November 15.
The first two occasions were marked with relatively small rallies, most of which were held in the West Bank. Abbas’s birthday, however, went unnoticed. His aides pointed out that he is not in the habit of celebrating his birthday, at least not in public.
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In keeping with past practice, Abbas marked the anniversary of Arafat’s death and the Palestinian Declaration of Independence by laying a wreath on the tomb of his predecessor in Ramallah and reiterating his commitment to the formation of a Palestinian unity government, while condemning Israel for allegedly undermining the two-state solution and “killing innocent children.”
In the past week, the mood in Abbas’s Mukata presidential compound in Ramallah was anything but upbeat.
President Mahmoud Abbas gestures during a meeting in Ramallah, in the Israeli-occupied West Bank August 18, 2020. (credit: REUTERS/MOHAMAD TOROKMAN)
The PA is facing an acute financial crisis, mainly as a result of a sharp decline in financial aid from the international community.
The PA says that the crisis is also the result of Israel’s policy of deducting millions of shekels from tax revenues it collects on behalf of the Palestinians. The deductions are equivalent to the amount of money the PA pays to families of Palestinians killed or imprisoned by Israel for carrying out terrorist attacks against Israelis.
Palestinian officials say that the financial crisis is one of the worst the PA has faced in recent years.
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PA Prime Minister Mohammad Shtayyeh traveled to Norway this week to participate in a biannual meeting of donor countries to the PA. On the eve of the visit, Shtayyeh said that he will urge the donor countries to increase their financial aid to the PA and pressure Israel to halt its policy of deducting payments from the Palestinians’ tax revenues.
But a senior official in Ramallah said this week that he was not optimistic regarding the chances that Shtayyeh would succeed in his mission.
“The messages we received from the European donors are not encouraging,” the official said. “They are busy with their own problems, especially in light of the outbreak of the coronavirus. We were told that we need to wait until next year for the resumption of the financial aid.”
Meanwhile, Palestinian officials say they are also disappointed with the failure of the Biden administration to fulfill its promise to renew financial aid to the PA.
“The Americans are telling us that we need to be patient,” said another senior Palestinian official. “It seems that the Biden administration is trying to find ways to resume the financial aid without breaking US law, especially the Taylor Force Act, which halted economic aid to the Palestinian Authority because of the payments to the families of the prisoners and martyrs.”
On Wednesday evening, Abbas met in his office with US Ambassador to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield and again accused the Israeli government of undermining the two-state solution. He said that the Palestinians expect the US administration to fulfill its promises, including the reopening of the US Consulate in Jerusalem and the commitment to the two-state solution.
THE PALESTINIANS are disappointed not only with the Biden administration, but with the Arab countries, too. Repeated appeals by the PA to the Arab governments to fulfill their promises to provide hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to the Palestinians have fallen on deaf ears.
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Since the beginning of the year, the PA has not received money from the Arab countries, according to Palestinian officials. This does not come as a surprise, in the wake of the tensions between the Palestinians and several Arab countries, particularly those in the Gulf, after the signing of the Abraham Accords.
The Palestinians are paying the price for their recurring attacks on the Arab countries that signed normalization agreements with Israel. On various social media platforms, the Palestinians are being denounced by their Arab brothers as an “ungrateful people” who are “trafficking in the Palestinian issue.”
It is no surprise that Abbas did not receive messages from most of the Arab presidents and monarchs congratulating him on the 33rd anniversary of the Palestinian Declaration of Independence.
According to the PA’s official news agency, Abbas received “congratulatory cables” from many world leaders, including the presidents of China, Mali, Mauritania, Kazakhstan, Malawi, Nicaragua, Malta and Uzbekistan. By Thursday, the only cables from the Arab world came from Jordan, Egypt, Algeria and Morocco.
Remarkably, while most of the Arab states have turned their backs on the Palestinians, Israel is turning directly toward the PA.
Israel is trying to persuade the donor countries to resume financial aid to the PA. According to some reports, Israel has even asked the Biden administration to pressure the Arab countries to resume financial aid to the Palestinians.
ISRAEL HAS good reason to be worried about the possible collapse of the PA. In recent weeks, there have been growing signs that the PA is beginning to lose control of Hebron and some areas of the northern West Bank, especially Jenin.
Daily clashes between rival clans in Hebron have left residents of the city wondering whether the PA is still in control of the situation. The PA security forces have been unable to stop masked gunmen from setting fire to several shops, houses and vehicles in Hebron. In an unprecedented move, some desperate Hebron residents appealed to King Abdullah to send Jordanian troops to their city to stop the fighting.
“The appeal to Jordan’s King Abdullah aims to send a warning to the Palestinian Authority,” said Ahmad Ja’bari, a businessman from Hebron. “The people of Hebron want to embarrass the Palestinian Authority because it is not doing anything to protect them and their properties. The feeling here is that the Palestinian Authority is not interested in enforcing law and order, because many of the gangsters are affiliated with its ruling Fatah faction.”
What happened in Jenin last Friday was even more disturbing, not only for the PA, but for Israel, too.
Scores of Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad gunmen, along with thousands of Palestinians, participated in the funeral of Wasfi Kabaha, a senior Hamas official who died last week of coronavirus complications.
The public appearance of the Hamas and PIJ gunmen on the streets of Jenin, as well as the large turnout at the funeral, was seen by many Palestinians as a carefully orchestrated challenge to Abbas and the PA.
A furious Abbas responded by dismissing the commanders of the PA security forces in Jenin. He later reportedly instructed his security forces to crack down on Hamas and PIJ members in the northern West Bank.
The increased activities of Hamas and PIJ and growing scenes of lawlessness and anarchy in PA-controlled areas were at the center of the talks last week between Shin Bet director Ronen Bar and Abbas.
During the meeting in Abbas’s residence in Ramallah, the two sides agreed to increase security coordination, combat the influence of Hamas and PIJ and enforce law and order in Hebron and other Palestinian communities.
But the meeting between Bar and Abbas could prove counterproductive, at least as far as the PA president is concerned.
Such meetings are not received well by many Palestinians, who consider security coordination with Israel as an act of treason. Those who publicized the meeting caused further damage to Abbas, who is already facing growing criticism from Palestinians over his “conciliatory” policies toward Israel. Recent public opinion polls have shown that nearly 80% of the Palestinian public wants Abbas to step down.
It is such meetings that make the talk about the formation of a Palestinian unity government sound like a joke. Hamas is not going to sit in any PA government that conducts civilian and security coordination with Israel. Hamas is not going to join any government whose ministers meet with their Israeli counterparts.
Moreover, it is worth noting that Hamas leaders have repeatedly rejected Abbas’s condition for including them in a unity government.
In the past few weeks, Abbas has stated that if Hamas wants to join a unity government, it must recognize all international resolutions pertaining to the Israeli-Arab conflict. Abbas, in other words, wants Hamas to recognize Israel and accept the two-state solution. Those who believe that Hamas will make any concessions on such explosive issues are living under an illusion.
Hamas leaders continue to talk about the “liberation of all of Palestine” and the need to “step up the resistance” against Israel.
Abbas, for his part, does not seem eager to return to the Gaza Strip. Nor does he appear to be serious about bringing Hamas into his government. The talk about “national unity” is mainly intended for internal consumption. He wants to show the Palestinians that he’s not the one responsible for the split between the West Bank and Gaza Strip.
As Abbas and Hamas continue to fight each other, tooth and claw, relations between Israel and some of the Arab countries appear to be moving forward at a rapid pace. These Arabs are no longer concerned with the PA’s acid remarks about normalization with Israel. The only people who are worried about the rapprochement between Israel and the Arab countries are Abbas and his senior officials, in addition to Hamas and Arab and Western “anti-normalization” groups.
Although Abbas is likely eyeing with envy those who have entered into normalization with Israel, he knows that joining the bandwagon would bring his regime crashing down on his head. Thus, he is left to continue his old double game: escalating rhetorical attacks on Israel while relying on it to prevent the collapse of the PA.
The Europeans, for their part, are obviously fed up with Abbas’s repeated promises to hold long overdue general elections, combat rampant corruption and end the dispute between his PA and Hamas. They also seem to be disappointed with human rights violations committed by the PA against Palestinians in the West Bank, particularly the killing of anti-corruption activist Nizar Banat, who was beaten to death in June by PA security officers.
The Biden administration also appears to be keeping a low profile in its dealings with the PA and Abbas. The PA president is said to be disappointed with Biden for refusing to meet with him in New York during last September’s meeting of the United Nations General Assembly. Abbas addressed the meeting via videoconference from Ramallah after canceling his visit to New York because of Biden’s refusal to meet with him.
Shunned by most of the Arab countries and detested by a growing number of Palestinians, Abbas has clearly reached the conclusion that the key to his survival lies in the hands of Israel, the same country that he and the PA work day and night to demonize by accusing it of carrying out ethnic cleansing, killing innocent Palestinians, assaulting Islamic and Christian holy sites and working to “Judaize” Jerusalem.
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