2021.11.05 國際新聞導讀-G20先進國家停止投資化石燃料產業改投資清潔能源、葉門胡塞政權與前政府軍勢力激烈交戰並佔上風，波灣國家繼續與胡塞交戰、土耳其在敘利亞北部恐有大規模行動、以色列政府總預算好運通過了將可有效推動國家前進

蘇老師講解國際新聞、中東與中亞歷史、中國事務、太空知識的頻道。 Diplomat's daily news review and history research on Middle East and Central Asia, China Affairs and Space Exploration

2021.11.05 國際新聞導讀-G20先進國家停止投資化石燃料產業改投資清潔能源、葉門胡塞政權與前政府軍勢力激烈交戰並佔上風，波灣國家繼續與胡塞交戰、土耳其在敘利亞北部恐有大規模行動、以色列政府總預算好運通過了將可有效推動國家前進
美國、加拿大等 20 個國家停止為海外化石燃料融資
通過涵蓋包括石油和天然氣在內的所有化石燃料，該協議比 G20 國家今年做出的停止僅對煤炭進行海外融資的承諾更進一步。
通過路透
2021 年 11 月 4 日 13:01
2021 年 11 月 1 日，在英國蘇格蘭格拉斯哥舉行的 COP26 峰會會場上投射了一張地球圖像。
美國、加拿大和其他 18 個國家週四在COP26氣候峰會上承諾，在明年年底前停止對海外化石燃料項目的公共融資，並將其支出轉向清潔能源。
活動人士稱該承諾是關閉化石燃料項目資金來源的“歷史性”步驟。但它不包括負責大部分此類海外融資的主要亞洲國家。
通過涵蓋包括石油和天然氣在內的所有化石燃料，該協議比 G20 國家今年做出的停止僅對煤炭進行海外融資的承諾更進一步。
簽署承諾的20個國家包括丹麥、意大利、芬蘭、哥斯達黎加、埃塞俄比亞、岡比亞、新西蘭和馬紹爾群島，以及歐洲投資銀行和東非開發銀行等5個發展機構。
他們在一份聲明中說：“到 2022 年底，我們將終止對國際化石燃料能源行業的新的直接公共支持。”
2021 年 10 月 31 日在英國蘇格蘭格拉斯哥舉行的聯合國氣候變化會議 (COP26) 期間拍攝的電視攝像機。（來源：PHIL NOBLE/REUTERS）
這將涵蓋“有增無減”的煤炭、石油和天然氣項目——這意味著它們在不使用技術來捕獲由此產生的二氧化碳排放的情況下燃燒化石燃料。
該協議允許在未指明的“有限”情況下豁免，並表示這必須符合《巴黎協定》將全球變暖控制在 1.5 攝氏度的目標。
根據非營利組織 Oil Change International 的分析，簽署承諾的國家在 2016 年至 2020 年期間平均每年向國際化石燃料項目投資近 180 億美元。
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但沒有包括亞洲國家。中國、日本和韓國是G20中外國化石燃料項目的最大支持者，其中大部分支持用於石油和天然氣項目。這些國家已承諾停止向煤炭提供海外資金，這是所有 G20 國家做出的承諾。
終止污染項目的壓力
通過將較富裕的捐助國與接受國際金融支持的較貧窮國家聯合起來，COP26 協議旨在在各國之間達成共識，停止支持污染項目，轉而支持清潔能源，以遏制排放並避免建設擱淺資產。
政府和金融機構正面臨越來越大的壓力，要求停止資助煤炭、石油和天然氣項目，這些項目負責產生導致國內外氣候變化的溫室氣體排放。
活動人士指出，一些簽署國——如加拿大——仍在國內購買化石燃料，並敦促失踪國家和開發銀行加入。
“世界沒有更多的空間或時間來容納化石燃料能源的擴張，”非營利亞洲人民債務與發展運動的利迪納克皮爾說。
英國今年結束了對海外新化石燃料項目的直接政府支持，丹麥週三表示將採取同樣的行動，對一些符合“嚴格條件”的天然氣項目給予豁免，直到 2025 年。歐洲投資銀行還承諾停止石油和天然氣項目。今年天然氣項目資金。
國際能源署表示，結束對石油、煤炭或天然氣供應項目的投資是世界到 2050 年實現全球淨零排放的必要條件——科學家們表示，這對於防止全球平均氣溫上升超過 1.5 攝氏度至關重要。前工業水平。超過該閾值，全球變暖可能會引發災難性和不可逆轉的影響。
這項任務需要對綠色技術進行大量投資。伯恩斯坦分析師估計，到 2050 年，每年所需的低碳投資約為 2-4 萬億美元。
US, Canada among 20 countries to stop financing fossil fuels abroad
By covering all fossil fuels, including oil and gas, the deal goes further than a pledge made by G20 countries this year to halt overseas financing for just coal.
By REUTERS
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 13:01
An image of Earth is projected on the venue for COP26 summit in Glasgow, Scotland Britain, November 1, 2021.
(photo credit: REUTERS/HANNAH MCKAY)
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The United States, Canada and 18 other countries committed at the COP26 climate summit on Thursday to stop public financing for fossil fuel projects abroad by the end of next year, and steer their spending into clean energy instead.
Campaigners called the commitment a "historic" step in turning off the funding taps for fossil fuel projects. But it did not include major Asian countries responsible for the bulk of such financing abroad.
By covering all fossil fuels, including oil and gas, the deal goes further than a pledge made by G20 countries this year to halt overseas financing for just coal.
The 20 countries that signed the pledge include Denmark, Italy, Finland, Costa Rica, Ethiopia, Gambia, New Zealand and the Marshall Islands, plus five development institutions including the European Investment Bank and the East African Development Bank.
"We will end new direct public support for the international unabated fossil fuel energy sector by the end of 2022," they said in a declaration.
A TV camera is pictured during the UN Climate Change Conference (COP26) in Glasgow, Scotland, Britain October 31, 2021. (credit: PHIL NOBLE/REUTERS)
That would cover coal, oil and gas projects that are "unabated" - meaning that they burn fossil fuels without using technology to capture the resulting CO2 emissions.
The deal allowed for exemptions in unspecified "limited" circumstances, which it said must be consistent with the Paris Agreement's target to cap global warming at 1.5C.
Countries that signed the pledge together invested nearly $18 billion on average each year in international fossil fuel projects from 2016-2020, according to analysis by non-profit Oil Change International.
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But no Asian countries were included. China, Japan and South Korea are the biggest backers of foreign fossil fuel projects in the G20, with most of that support going to oil and gas projects. Those countries have committed to stop overseas funding for coal, the pledge made by all G20 nations.
PRESSURE TO END POLLUTING PROJECTS
By bringing together richer donor countries with poorer nations that receive international financial support, the COP26 deal aims to build a consensus among nations to stop backing polluting projects and instead support clean energy both to curb emissions and to avoid building stranded assets.
Governments and financial institutions are facing increased pressure to stop funding coal, oil and gas projects responsible for producing the greenhouse gas emissions that are driving climate change, both at home and abroad.
Campaigners noted that some signatory countries - such as Canada - were still spending on fossil fuels at home, and urged missing countries and development banks to join.
"The world has no more space or time left to accommodate the expansion of fossil fuel energy," said Lidy Nacpil of the non-profit Asian Peoples' Movement for Debt and Development.
Britain ended direct government support for new fossil fuel projects overseas this year and Denmark said on Wednesday it would do the same, with exemptions for some gas projects that meet "strict conditions" until 2025. The European Investment Bank has also committed to end oil and gas project funding this year.
The International Energy Agency has said ending investments in oil, coal or gas supply projects is necessary for the world to reach net-zero global emissions by 2050 - which scientists say is crucial for keeping the average global temperature from rising more than 1.5 degrees Celsius beyond preindustrial levels. Beyond that threshold, global warming could unleash catastrophic and irreversible impacts.
Enormous investment in green technologies is needed for the task. Bernstein analysts estimate the required low-carbon investments at roughly $2-4 trillion per year until 2050.
Climate Change set to impact crop growth by 2030 - study
Under warmer climate conditions, maize crop yields are projected to decline 24%, but wheat production may grow about 17% by 2030.
By JERUSALEM POST STAFF
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 14:09
Global crop production may change drastically by 2030, a new NASA-led study published in the Nature Food scientific journal on Monday has revealed.
Under warmer climate conditions, maize crop yields are projected to decline 24%, but wheat production may grow about 17% by 2030.
The research was conducted by inputting five climate models into 12 state-of-the-art global crop models, ending up with about 240 global climate-crop model simulations for each crop.
Rising global temperatures are linked to changes in rainfall patterns, the frequency and duration of heatwaves and droughts, the length of growing seasons and the speed of crop growth – all of which can critically affect crop health and productivity.
“We did not expect to see such a fundamental shift, as compared to crop yield projections from the previous generation of climate and crop models conducted in 2014,” lead author Jonas Jägermeyr, a crop modeler and climate scientist at Columbia University's Earth Institute in New York City, told NASA.gov.
“A 20% decrease from current production levels could have severe implications worldwide,” Jägermeyr added. Maize, colloquially known as corn, grows around the world, though especially in countries near the equator. Maize-growing regions in North and Central America, West Africa, Central Asia, Brazil and China may see their maize yields decline in the coming years as average temperatures rise across these major food producers – known as “breadbasket” regions.
In contrast, wheat grows best in temperate climates, and thus potentially will be cultivated in new locales as temperatures rise, such as North America, Central Asia, Southern Australia and East Africa.
Plane releases herbicides over crops, illustrative (credit: PXHERE)
Temperature is not the only factor to consider when simulating future crop yields: Carbon dioxide levels have a positive effect on photosynthesis and water retention, which increases yields, though often at a cost to nutrition. This effect is more prevalent in wheat than maize, which was accurately captured by the researchers.
While models do not address economic incentives, changing farming practices and evolutions in crop growing (such as breeding more robust crop varieties), it remains an area of active research.
The research team plans to look at these angles in follow-up work, as these factors will further determine the fate of future agricultural yields.
阿拉伯媒體的聲音：伊朗在海灣地區的代理人
每週精選來自世界各地阿拉伯媒體的意見和分析。
通過針對媒體線
2021 年 11 月 4 日 21:08
伊朗在海灣地區的代理人
有關 The Media Line 的更多故事，請訪問themedialine.org
Al-Masry Al-Youm，埃及，10 月 30 日
很明顯，黎巴嫩新聞部長喬治·科達希( George Kordahi)在接受半島電視台附屬頻道的有爭議的採訪中，他沒有區分他作為電視名人的角色和他作為政府高級部長的角色。科爾達希在採訪中聲稱，胡塞武裝只是“防禦外部侵略”，也門戰爭“徒勞無功”。如果他以媒體人物的身份發表這些言論，沒有人會真正關心。這將被視為他對此事的個人意見，僅此而已。但由於科達希是貝魯特煞費苦心組建的政府的信息部長，他的言論立即在社交媒體上流傳，導致黎巴嫩與海灣國家之間發生嚴重危機。在回應採訪時，沙特阿拉伯、阿拉伯聯合酋長國、科威特和巴林都從黎巴嫩召見了各自的大使，而海灣六國合作委員會則譴責了科達希的言論。當然，如果這是他的意見，他完全有權利相信。但他沒有權利公開宣布並把它描繪成一個政黨的官方立場，或者更糟的是，黎巴嫩政府的官方立場。視頻發布後不到幾個小時，海灣合作委員會秘書長納耶夫法拉赫哈吉拉夫就發表聲明駁斥科達希的言論。沙特阿拉伯王國很快也效仿，從貝魯特召回了大使。胡塞武裝只不過是伊朗的代理人，其任務是在海灣地區執行德黑蘭的議程。Kordahi 非常了解這一現實，並且知道他自己的政府的生存同樣取決於德黑蘭。同時，
來自 Jpost 的最新文章
– 蘇萊曼·古達
足協優先考慮我們的俱樂部
Nida al-Watan，黎巴嫩，10 月 26 日
黎巴嫩足球
執行委員會協會最近宣布連續第二年向其各級運營的俱樂部分發新的財政援助計劃。發現所分發的援助價值總計約 800,000 美元，這是一個相當大的數目，真是了不起。毫無疑問，這筆錢是在黎巴嫩金融和經濟危機中花費的，該危機已經持續了近兩年。它肯定會為全國各地的足球俱樂部提供急需的支持，使全國各地的人們在生活中保持一定程度的正常。也許最需要注意的是，本賽季批准的援助全部來自黎巴嫩足協。去年一攬子援助計劃的資金來自國際足聯向協會提供的百萬美元贈款，而今年一攬子計劃的資金則來自內部資金。考慮到該協會最大的收入來源——門票銷售——幾乎停滯不前，這是一項巨大的成就。儘管如此，儘管我們今天所處的財政、政治和公共衛生環境困難重重，但該協會仍熱衷於確保黎巴嫩的足球活動繼續進行。
— 喬治·阿爾·哈尼
由 Asaf Zilberfarb 翻譯
Voices from the Arab press: An Iranian Proxy in the Gulf Region
A weekly selection of opinions and analyses from the Arab media around the world.
By THE MEDIA LINE
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 21:08
A POSTER of Lebanese Information Minister George Kordahi is seen on a billboard in Sanaa, Yemen, October 31. It reads: ‘Yes George, Yemen’s war is futile.’
(photo credit: KHALED ABDULLAH/FILE PHOTO/REUTERS)
An Iranian Proxy in the Gulf Region
For more stories from The Media Line go to themedialine.org
Al-Masry Al-Youm, Egypt, October 30
It is clear that Lebanese Information Minister George Kordahi did not differentiate between his role as a television personality and his role as a senior government minister during the controversial interview he gave to an Al Jazeera affiliate channel. In his interview, Kordahi claimed that the Houthis are simply “defending themselves against an external aggression” and that the Yemen war is “futile.” Had he made these remarks as a media personality, no one would have really cared. It would have been viewed as his personal opinion on the matter, and nothing more. But because Kordahi is the minister of information in a government that has painstakingly been formed in Beirut, his remarks immediately circulated on social media and led to a severe crisis between Lebanon and the Gulf states. In response to the interview, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Kuwait and Bahrain all summoned their ambassadors from Lebanon, while the six-nation Gulf Cooperation Council condemned Kordahi’s remarks. Of course, if this is his opinion, he has every right to believe it. But it isn’t his right to openly announce it and paint it as an official position of a political party or, worse, of the Lebanese government. It wasn’t even a few hours after the video was published that Nayef Falah Al-Hajraf, the secretary-general of the GCC, issued a statement rejecting Kordahi’s remarks. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia soon followed suit and recalled its ambassador from Beirut. The Houthis are nothing more than an Iranian proxy tasked with carrying out Tehran’s agenda in the Gulf. Kordahi understands this reality very well and knows that the survival of his own government similarly depends on Tehran. Meanwhile, the fact remains that the Iranian political project in the Middle East is a threat not to the Gulf alone, but to the entire Arab world.
– Suleiman Gouda
The Football Association Prioritizes Our Clubs
Nida al-Watan, Lebanon, October 26
The Executive Committee of the
Lebanese Football Association recently announced the distribution of a new financial assistance package to its clubs operating at various levels for the second year in a row. It was truly remarkable to discover that the value of the aid distributed totaled some $800,000, which is a considerable amount. Undoubtedly, this money is being spent in the midst of a financial and economic crisis in Lebanon, which has been going on for nearly two years. It will certainly provide much-needed support to football clubs across the country, which have enabled people across the country to maintain some degree of normalcy in their lives. Perhaps the most important thing to note is that the aid approved for the current season is all sourced from the Lebanese Football Association. While the funding for last year’s aid package came from a million-dollar grant provided to the association by FIFA, the funding for this year’s package came from internal funds. This is a huge accomplishment considering the fact that the association’s biggest source of revenue – ticket sales – came to a near standstill. Nonetheless, the association is keen on ensuring that football activity in Lebanon continues to take place, despite the difficult financial, political and public health circumstances we are situated in today.
– George Al-Hani
Translated by Asaf Zilberfarb
土耳其會在敘利亞再次出擊嗎？
幕後：土耳其可能會尋求直接針對敘利亞的庫爾德目標採取行動，可能會通過補償的方式為俄羅斯和阿薩德政權在伊德利卜地區提供一些收益。
作者：喬納森·斯派爾
2021 年 11 月 4 日 20:50
去年，一名土耳其支持的敘利亞叛軍戰士在抗議俄羅斯和土耳其在敘利亞伊德利卜省 M4 高速公路上聯合巡邏的協議時拍照。
（圖片來源：REUTERS/KHALIL ASHAWI）
廣告
最近幾天，一些地區媒體刊登了有關土耳其可能即將對敘利亞東北部進行軍事行動的文章。這樣的入侵有可能嗎？
這些報導和謠言是在土耳其總統雷傑普·塔伊普·埃爾多安和俄羅斯總統弗拉基米爾·普京於9 月 29 日在度假勝地索契舉行的峰會之後發生的。這次峰會是在土耳其和俄羅斯軍隊在前幾天在敘利亞的緊張局勢升級之後舉行的。9 月 26 日，在普京發表批評敘利亞境內存在“外國勢力”的聲明後，俄羅斯飛機對伊德利卜省和阿勒頗省的土耳其/叛軍控制地區進行了突襲。
俄羅斯在敘利亞經常提出的戰略目標是在敘利亞總統巴沙爾·阿薩德的獨裁統治下實現該國的統一。普京提到“外國軍隊”的目的是要傳達，雖然俄羅斯和伊朗軍隊應獨裁者的邀請在敘利亞開展行動，但其他非敘利亞因素，如土耳其和美國的部署，未經阿薩德許可就在那裡。
來自 Jpost 的最新文章
作為對俄羅斯升級的回應，埃爾多安加強了土耳其在前線的軍事存在。這反過來又導致敘利亞政權部隊的存在增加。29日的峰會旨在緩和緊張局勢。隨後沒有聯合聲明，但引述埃爾多安的話說，會談的重點是達成敘利亞問題的“最終和可持續解決方案”。
與此同時，最近幾週在敘利亞的另一條戰線上——土耳其與庫爾德人控制的敘利亞東北部自治政府之間的緊張局勢不斷加劇。土耳其聲稱，庫爾德人民保衛軍組織最近幾週增加了跨境襲擊。
2 月 13 日，庫爾德人民保護部隊 (YPG) 的戰士在拉斯艾因 (Ras al-Ain) 的一個軍營接受訓練（圖片來源：REUTERS）
埃爾多安將 10 月 11 日對土耳其控制的阿扎茲鎮的襲擊描述為“最後一根稻草”。土耳其總統表示，“我們對敘利亞的一些地區已經沒有耐心了，這些地區已經成為對我們國家發動襲擊的源頭……我們決心用那裡的現役部隊或通過我們自己的手段。”
土耳其外長恰武什奧盧 10 月 13 日表示，在襲擊事件增加後，土耳其將“採取必要的安全措施”。
正在討論的想法是，土耳其可能會尋求直接針對敘利亞的庫爾德目標採取行動，可能會通過補償的方式為俄羅斯和阿薩德政權在伊德利卜地區提供一些收益。中東之眼網站週一的一份報告顯示，作為摧毀科巴尼州的回報，土耳其將允許土耳其/俄羅斯聯合控制從阿勒頗到海岸的戰略性 M4 高速公路。
根據 al-Monitor 網站翻譯的土耳其親政府媒體的報導，與土耳其結盟的敘利亞伊斯蘭武裝團體的領導人已經在安卡拉聽取了關於“在敘利亞進行第四次軍事行動的戰術和戰略”的簡報。（土耳其已經在敘利亞開展了三場針對庫爾德人的行動：2016 年的幼發拉底河行動、2018 年的橄欖枝行動和 2019 年的和平之春。）
這種進攻的潛在目標區域將是幼發拉底河以西的 Tel Rifaat 和 Manbij，以及河流以東的 Ain Issa 和 Tal Tamr。Tel Rifaat 是一個由政權控制的領土提供的孤立的庫爾德飛地，是最脆弱的地區。對它的控制將加強土耳其和伊斯蘭叛亂分子在阿勒頗省的地位。
土耳其進攻的另一個可能目標是同時打擊曼比季和艾因伊薩，試圖將庫爾德人控制的科巴尼以南的親土耳其部隊聯繫起來。後者是 2014 年與 ISIS 進行重大戰鬥的地點。
然而，外交因素肯定會使土耳其的任何進攻決定複雜化。Ain Issa 和 Tal Tamr 位於幼發拉底河以東。該地區屬於美國及其盟國定義的針對 ISIS 的行動區。土耳其在河流以東的活動有先例。在時任美國總統唐納德特朗普於 2019 年 10 月宣布美國從敘利亞撤軍後，和平之泉行動在幼發拉底河以東劃出了土耳其的控制區。
但是，只有在美國同意或默許的情況下，土耳其才能在該地區再次發動攻勢。在很大程度上可能取決於美國總統喬·拜登是否有能力或希望向土耳其總統明確表示，不會容忍美國支持的敘利亞民主力量（SDF）和美軍本身在該地區進一步推進。
但是，如果美國的反對證明足以威懾土耳其從艾因伊薩或塔爾塔姆爾的任何推動，那麼幼發拉底河以西的任何行動也將受到外交考慮。河流以西的庫爾德人民保衛軍在自衛隊框架之外運作，不受美國保護。但河流以西是俄羅斯的領地（與阿薩德政權合作）。因此，除非俄羅斯批准土耳其的任何入侵，否則很難看出這種行動是如何進行的。出於這個原因，29 日的索契峰會仍然具有核心意義。
截至目前，據阿拉伯媒體消息，和平之泉地區的部隊集結仍在繼續。Kamal Sheikho 週二在 Asharq al-Awsat 報紙上的一篇報導指出，土耳其支持的“Al-Sharqiya 軍”、蘇萊曼沙阿派、第九師和其他忠於土耳其的“敘利亞國民軍”派系的成員，從阿勒頗農村的“幼發拉底地盾”地區穿越土耳其領土後，於週五抵達拉卡以北與土耳其接壤的邊境城市塔爾阿卜耶德。”
與此同時，政權部隊正在 Tal Tamr 地區進行地面演習，面向土耳其控制區。大規模演習得到俄羅斯飛機的支持。自 2019 年和平之春行動以來，俄羅斯和敘利亞政府軍都能夠部署在自衛隊控制區的部分地區，當時他們被庫爾德軍隊邀請進入，以防止土耳其更深入地入侵敘利亞。
埃爾多安的決策是在土耳其領導人面臨經濟和政治困難的背景下做出的。隨著 2023 年大選的臨近，土耳其總統可能會將在敘利亞對抗庫爾德工人黨相關勢力的進一步“勝利”視為誘人的前景。與 2021 年破碎的敘利亞一樣，影響這一決定的關鍵問題與敘利亞領土上其他國際行為體的關切和願望有關。阿薩德政權在很大程度上是無關緊要的。
目前尚不清楚當前的劍拔弩張是否會導致土耳其結盟部隊真正脫離他們目前的控制區域。未來的日子將決定。關注此空間。
Will Turkey strike again in Syria?
BEHIND THE LINES: Turkey might seek to act directly against Kurdish targets in Syria, possibly offering Russia and the Assad regime some gains in the Idlib area by way of recompense.
By JONATHAN SPYER
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 20:50
A TURKEY-BACKED Syrian rebel fighter takes a picture during a protest against the agreement on joint Russian and Turkish patrols at M4 highway in Syria’s Idlib province last year.
(photo credit: REUTERS/KHALIL ASHAWI)
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A number of regional media outlets have in recent days carried articles concerning a possibly imminent Turkish military operation into northeast Syria. Is such an incursion likely?
The reports and rumors follow a summit between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Russian President Vladimir Putin at the resort town of Sochi on September 29. The summit came after an escalation in tensions between Turkish and Russian forces in Syria in the preceding days. On September 26, after statements by Putin critical of the presence of “foreign forces” in Syria, Russian aircraft carried out raids on Turkish/rebel held areas of Idlib and Aleppo provinces.
Russia’s oft-stated strategic goal in Syria is the reunification of the country under the nominal rule of Syrian President Bashar Assad’s dictatorship. Putin’s reference to “foreign forces” is intended to convey that while Russian and Iranian forces operate in Syria at the invitation of the dictator, other non-Syrian elements, such as the Turkish and American deployments, are there without Assad’s permission.
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In response to the Russian escalation, Erdogan beefed up the Turkish military presence along the frontlines. This in turn led to an increased presence of Syrian regime forces. The summit on the 29th was intended to reduce tensions. No joint statement followed it, but Erdogan was quoted as stating that the talks had focused on reaching a “final and sustainable solution” to the Syrian issue.
At the same time, tensions have been building in recent weeks on a different front in Syria – between Turkey and the Kurdish-controlled Autonomous Administration of North East Syria. Turkey claims that the Kurdish YPG organization has increased cross border attacks in recent weeks.
Fighters of the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) in training at a military camp in Ras al-Ain, February 13 (credit: REUTERS)
Erdogan described an attack on the Turkish controlled town of Azaz on October 11 as representing the “final straw.” The Turkish president stated that “we have no patience left regarding some regions in Syria which have the quality of being the source of attacks on our country… We are determined to eliminate the threats originating from here either with the active forces there or by our own means.”
Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu said on October 13 that Turkey would “do what is necessary for its security” following the rise in attacks.
The notion being discussed is that Turkey might seek to act directly against Kurdish targets in Syria, possibly offering Russia and the Assad regime some gains in the Idlib area by way of recompense. A report on Monday by the Middle East Eye website suggested that in return for the destruction of the Kobani canton, Turkey would allow joint Turkish/Russian control on the strategic M4 highway, which runs from Aleppo to the coast.
According to reports in Turkish pro-government media, translated by the al-Monitor website, leaders of Turkish-aligned Syrian Islamist armed groups have already been briefed in Ankara on the “tactics and strategies for a fourth military campaign in Syria.” (Turkey has already carried out three campaigns against the Kurds in Syria: Operations Euphrates Shield in 2016, Olive Branch in 2018 and Peace Spring in 2019.)
The potential target areas for such an offensive would be Tel Rifaat and Manbij, west of the Euphrates, and Ain Issa and Tal Tamr, east of the river. Tel Rifaat, an isolated Kurdish enclave supplied by regime controlled territory, is the most vulnerable area. Control of it would strengthen the Turkish and Islamist rebel position in Aleppo Governorate.
Another possible target for a Turkish offensive would be to strike simultaneously against Manbij and Ain Issa, in an attempt to link up pro-Turkish forces south of Kurdish controlled Kobani. The latter was the site of a major battle against ISIS in 2014.
Diplomatic factors must surely complicate any Turkish decision on an offensive, however. Ain Issa and Tal Tamr are located east of the Euphrates. This area falls within the zone of operations against ISIS, as defined by the US and its allies. There is a precedent for Turkish activity east of the river. Operation Peace Spring carved out a Turkish area of control east of the Euphrates following then-US president Donald Trump’s announcement of America’s withdrawal from Syria in October 2019.
But any renewed Turkish offensive in the area could only take place with US agreement, or acquiescence. Much may depend on US President Joe Biden’s ability or desire to make clear to the Turkish president that no further advances into the area held by the US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and by US forces themselves will be tolerated.
But should US objections prove a sufficient deterrent to any Turkish push from Ain Issa or Tal Tamr, any action west of the Euphrates will also be subject to diplomatic considerations. The Kurdish YPG west of the river operates outside of the framework of the SDF and is not protected by the US. But west of the river is the Russian fiefdom (in partnership with the Assad regime). Hence, unless permission is granted by Russia for any Turkish incursion, it is difficult to see how such an operation could take place. For this reason, the Sochi summit on the 29th remains of central interest.
AS OF now, according to Arabic media sources, the build up of forces in the Peace Spring area is continuing. A report by Kamal Sheikho in the Asharq al-Awsat newspaper on Tuesday noted that members of the Turkish-backed “Al-Sharqiya Army, the Suleiman Shah faction, the Ninth Division and other formations of the ‘Syrian National Army’ factions loyal to Turkey, arrived on Friday at the border city of Tal Abyad with Turkey, north of Raqqa, after crossing Turkish territory from the ‘Euphrates Shield’ areas in the countryside of Aleppo.”
Simultaneously, regime forces are conducting ground maneuvers in the Tal Tamr area, facing the Turkish controlled zone. The large scale maneuvers are supported by Russian aircraft. Both Russian and regime forces have been able to deploy in parts of the SDF controlled area since Operation Peace Spring in 2019, when they were invited in by the Kurdish forces in order to prevent Turkish incursions deeper into Syria.
Erdogan’s decision making is taking place against a backdrop of economic and political difficulties for the Turkish leader. With elections in 2023 on the approaching horizon, the Turkish president may see a further “victory” against PKK-associated forces in Syria as a tempting prospect. As is usual in broken Syria in 2021, the key issues affecting this decision relate to the concerns and desires of other international actors on Syrian soil. The Assad regime is largely an irrelevance.
It is not yet clear if the current saber-rattling will result in an actual move by Turkish aligned forces out of their present areas of control. The days ahead will decide. Watch this space.
前以色列國防軍情報負責人：新的伊朗核協議會更糟，但值得
前摩薩德官員：談判可能是德黑蘭爭取時間推進其核計劃的一種策略。
作者：尤娜傑瑞米鮑勃
2021 年 11 月 4 日 19:29
10 月，伊朗防空部隊參加了軍事演習，伊朗國旗被拍到在導彈附近。（西亞通訊社/路透社）
（圖片來源：西亞新聞社/路透社）
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伊朗與世界大國之間可能在未來幾個月內達成的新核協議“可能會比 2015 年的協議更糟糕”，以色列國防軍前情報負責人阿哈倫·澤維·法卡什週四告訴耶路撒冷郵報。
在周三晚上宣布伊斯蘭共和國與所謂的 P5+1 之間的核談判將於 11 月 29 日在維也納重啟後，澤維-法卡什斷言，儘管他持悲觀態度，“即使如此低級的協議也比沒有協議好。”
這位前以色列國防軍情報主管表示，即使是糟糕的交易，以色列也有機會將德黑蘭的核威脅推遲到至少 2031 年，而目前“伊朗已接近核門檻或已經處於核門檻”。
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他表示，他預計在幾個月內達成新協議，但希望拜登政府和法國、德國和英國的歐洲國家將敦促簽署更長、更有力的協議附加條款，以便延長核限制。甚至超過 2031 年。
此外，他表示，“伊朗理解美國將同意”它不需要回到 2015 年使用舊式 IR-1 離心機的交易限制，但“將允許以三、四甚至什至三倍的速度進行先進的離心機濃縮。快五倍。”
在德黑蘭舉行的伊朗國家核能日期間，可以看到許多新一代伊朗離心機展出（圖片來源：伊朗總統辦公室/WANA（西亞新聞社）/Handout VIA REUTERS）
這是對德黑蘭 2021 年大部分時間一直在運行的數百台 IR-4 和 IR-6 先進離心機的參考。
認識到“此時此刻，美國反對”伊朗被允許擁有根據 JCPOA 被禁止維護的先進離心機，他說，“但如果你看看拜登的政策，他與激進民主派的問題，[民主黨] 在弗吉尼亞 [州長選舉] 中的失利……拜登希望完成這筆交易，”因此這不會分散他對他更關心的更大的戰鬥的注意力。
理想情況下，他說耶路撒冷“將在幕後行動。貝內特在幕後工作是件好事——就像我和[前以色列原子機構委員會主席]吉迪恩·弗蘭克寫的信一樣……以色列需要影響新協議，”以使其更好，華盛頓當然不想在這個問題上激怒以色列。
Zeevi-Farkash 嚴厲批評前總理本傑明內塔尼亞胡對奧巴馬和拜登政府的伊朗政策進行定期和公開口頭攻擊的策略，並表示批評應該私下進行。
關於鈾濃縮，他說，“在伊朗通過了 3 噸濃縮鈾庫存和 60% 的濃縮水平之後——沒人知道自 2 月以來發生了什麼——我相信 IAEA 負責人 [Rafael Grossi]它在鈾濃縮方面與尚未擁有軍事核能力的伊朗一樣先進。”
現在有一些希望伊朗正在重返談判，並且它已經受到嚴厲的經濟制裁和它所忍受的冠狀病毒問題的壓力。
Zeevi-Farkash 表示，即使“他們是門檻國家……這並不意味著伊朗已經做出跨越門檻的決定。我相信他們沒有做出這個決定”，他暗示伊斯蘭共和國可能會避免做出這樣的決定，因為它可能會引起軍事反彈。
這位前以色列國防軍情報負責人表示，他同意前總理埃胡德巴拉克的警告，即伊朗會發現，即使它恢復談判，伊朗將發現比之前的低濃縮鈾更容易隱瞞其 60% 的濃縮鈾。
此外，他同意阿亞圖拉隱藏如此高濃縮鈾的可能性會使新交易的任何新突破計算變得不那麼可靠，並表示退出 2015 年交易的部分錯誤是它使伊朗擺脫了IAEA 對 Natanz、Karaj 和其他設施進行持續審查。
如果 Zeevi-Farkash 已經預計拜登團隊會在先進離心機問題上妥協，那麼以色列在哪裡可以使新的潛在交易變得更好？
他說，國際原子能機構必須對伊朗與核武器有關的武器集團進行更好的監督。
他指出，“所有討論都圍繞鈾濃縮問題展開，”他警告說，如果伊朗已經處於鈾濃縮門檻，“談判必須確保武器組和彈道導彈的發展受到監控。”
“如果對所有三個問題都沒有監控，就很難保持冷靜，”他說。
他說他不確定美國是否會成功地讓伊朗停止地下先進的離心機研究。這很重要，因為攻擊地下設施可能更加困難。
關於鈾金屬，他認為作為新協議的一部分，美國已說服德黑蘭停止生產。
除了上述觀點外，Zeevi-Farkash 還強調耶路撒冷針對伊朗核計劃和地區擴張的“秘密戰鬥需要繼續進行”。
他還主張以美外交加強亞伯拉罕協議運動，以平衡伊朗的外交努力，以擴大其與遜尼派國家的影響力。
前摩薩德伊朗辦公室官員和現任 INSS 研究員 Sima Shine 比 Zeevi-Farkash 更加悲觀。
她說可能會達成協議，但此時她認為沒有協議的可能性略高，伊朗將繼續推進其核計劃。
“伊朗的立場非常強硬，他們有非常強烈的要求。我不知道會談是否會立即破裂，或者他們可能會在以後的幾輪中遇到問題，但美國將無法滿足（伊朗目前的）要求。”
其中一些包括在伊朗恢復核限制合規之前取消制裁，以及完全取消特朗普時代的製裁，甚至是與人權和恐怖主義有關的製裁。
與 Zeevi-Farkash 一樣，Shine 認為 2015 年的交易存在漏洞，但比目前的情況要好。
這位前摩薩德官員表示應該關注的一個大問題是，“伊朗人是不是時不時地拖延時間舉行一些會議，然後他們就會提出不可接受的要求？他們的結局是什麼？”
她提出了兩種可能性：他們認為通過採取強硬立場“也許他們會得到更好的條件”，但總體而言，他們仍然希望達成協議，或者“他們可能已經決定不達成協議，而他們正在拖延遊戲稍後出去玩責備遊戲，同時逐漸接近[核]門檻。”
Ex-IDF intel chief: New Iran nuke deal will be worse, but worthwhile
Ex-Mossad official: Talks may be tactic for Tehran to buy time to advance its nuclear program.
By YONAH JEREMY BOB
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 19:29
AN IRANIAN FLAG is pictured near in a missile during a military drill, with the participation of Iran’s air defense units in October. (West Asia News Agency/Reuters)
(photo credit: WEST ASIA NEWS AGENCY/REUTERS)
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A new nuclear deal that may emerge between Iran and the world powers in the coming months “will likely be worse” than the 2015 deal, former IDF intelligence chief Aharon Zeevi Farkash told The Jerusalem Post on Thursday.
Speaking after Wednesday night’s announcement that nuclear talks between the Islamic Republic and the so-called P5+1 will restart in Vienna on November 29, Zeevi-Farkash asserted that in spite of his pessimism, “even such an inferior deal is better than no deal.”
The former IDF intelligence chief said that even a bad deal would give Israel a chance to delay Tehran’s nuclear threat until at least 2031, while at the moment “Iran is close to the nuclear threshold or already on the nuclear threshold.”
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He said he expected a new deal within a period of months, but hoped that the Biden administration and the European thee of France, Germany and the UK would press for a longer and stronger add-on to the deal so that nuclear limits could be extended even beyond 2031.
Further, he said that “Iran understands that the US will agree” that it does not need to backtrack to the 2015 deal limits of using older IR-1 centrifuges, but “will allow advanced centrifuge enrichment at a rate of three, four or even five times faster.”
A number of new generation Iranian centrifuges are seen on display during Iran's National Nuclear Energy Day in Tehran (credit: IRANIAN PRESIDENCY OFFICE/WANA (WEST ASIA NEWS AGENCY)/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)
This was a reference to the hundreds of IR-4 and IR-6 advanced centrifuges that Tehran has been operating for most of 2021.
Recognizing that, “at this moment, the US opposes” the Islamic Republic being allowed to possess advanced centrifuges that it was prohibited from maintaining under the JCPOA, he said, “but if you look at Biden’s policies, the issues he has with radical democrats, the [Democrat] loss in the Virginia [gubernatorial election]… Biden wants to finish this deal off,” so it will not be a distraction from the bigger battles he cares more about.
Ideally, he said Jerusalem “will act behind the scenes. It is good that Bennett works behind the scenes – along the lines of the letter I wrote with [former Israel atomic agency committee chairman] Gideon Frank… Israel needs to influence the new deal,” to make it better and Washington certainly does not want to antagonize Israel on this issue.
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Zeevi-Farkash was a harsh critic of former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s tactic of regular and open verbal attacks on the Obama and Biden administrations’ Iran policy and said criticism should have been aired privately.
Regarding uranium enrichment, he said, “after Iran passed three tons of enriched uranium stock and the 60% enrichment level – and no one knows what happened since February – I trust the IAEA chief [Rafael Grossi] who said, “there is no state that is as advanced in uranium enrichment as Iran that does not already have military nuclear capability.”
There is some hope now that Iran is returning to the talks and that it has been pressured into doing so by the harsh economic sanctions and coronavirus problems it has endured.
Zeevi-Farkash said that even if “they are a threshold state… it does not mean that Iran has made a decision to cross the threshold. I believe they have not made this decision” and he implied that the Islamic Republic may avoid making such a decision because of the military backlash it could draw.
The former IDF intelligence chief said he agreed with former prime minister Ehud Barak’s warnings that Iran would find it easier to conceal its 60% enriched uranium than its prior lower-enriched stock even if it returns to talks.
Also, he agreed that the possibility of the ayatollahs hiding such highly enriched uranium would make any new break-out calculations from a new deal less reliable, and said that part of the mistake of pulling out of the 2015 deal was that it freed Iran from constant IAEA scrutiny at Natanz, Karaj and other facilities.
Where can Israel make the new potential deal better if Zeevi-Farkash already expects the Biden team to cave in on the issue of advanced centrifuges?
He said that there must be better IAEA supervision of Iran’s weapons groups relating to nuclear weapons.
Noting that “all of the discussions are always about the uranium enrichment issue,” he warned that if Iran is already at the uranium enrichment threshold, “the talks must make sure the weapons group and ballistic missiles development are monitored.”
“It will be hard to be calm if there is no monitoring on all three issues,” he said.
He said he was uncertain whether the US will succeed in getting Iran to stop advanced centrifuge research underground. This is significant since it is potentially harder to strike underground facilities.
Regarding uranium metal, he believes the US has convinced Tehran to stop production as part of a new deal.
Alongside the above views, Zeevi-Farkash emphasized that Jerusalem’s “covert battle needs to keep going” against Iran’s nuclear program and regional expansion.
He also advocated Israeli-US diplomacy to strengthen the Abraham Accords movement to balance Iranian diplomatic efforts to grow its influence with Sunni countries.
Former Mossad Iran desk official and current INSS fellow Sima Shine was even more pessimistic than Zeevi-Farkash.
She said that there might be a deal, but that at this point she believed there was a slightly higher chance that there would be no deal and that Iran would continue to advance its nuclear program.
“Iran’s positions are extremely tough and they have very vehement demands. I do not know if maybe the talks will immediately blow up or they might encounter issues in later rounds, but the US will not be able to meet [Iran’s current] demands.”
Some of these include removing sanctions before Iran returns to nuclear limits compliance, and a full removal of Trump-era sanctions, even those related to human rights and terrorism.
Like Zeevi-Farkash, Shine viewed the 2015 deal as having holes, but as better than the current situation.
A big question which the former Mossad official said should be focused on is, “Are the Iranians just dragging things out to have some meetings every now and then, and then they will issue unacceptable demands? What is their end game?”
She posed two possibilities: They think that by taking a tougher stance “maybe they will get better terms,” but overall, they still want a deal, or “they may have already decided there will be no deal, and they are dragging the game out to play the blame game later, while gradually moving closer to [the nuclear] threshold.”
馬里布戰役可能接近關鍵點，影響沙特阿拉伯，伊朗
馬里布距離沙特邊境數百公里，但如果叛軍佔領這座城市，那將是一場象徵性的失敗。
作者：SETH J. FRANZMAN
2021 年 11 月 3 日 01:34
3 月 28 日，一名也門政府武裝人員在也門馬里布向胡塞武裝人員開火。
（圖片來源：ALI OWIDHA/路透社）
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伊朗和沙特阿拉伯正在密切關注也門馬里卜的一場關鍵戰鬥，即將迎來另一個潛在的轉折點。據報導，本周有超過兩打人被胡塞叛軍導彈襲擊，襲擊了一座清真寺和學校。胡塞叛軍得到伊朗的支持。伊朗幫助他們在導彈和無人機技術方面提供支持。
沙特阿拉伯干預也門以阻止胡塞武裝佔領亞丁等主要城市。從那時起，利雅得在也門陷入困境，支持陷入困境的政府軍。曾經與利雅得一起發揮作用的阿聯酋現在似乎在也門採取了不同的道路。這意味著利雅得可能會冒著眼睜睜地看著其也門盟友在也門馬里卜的家門口輸掉一場關鍵戰鬥的風險。
馬里布距離沙特邊境數百公里，但如果叛軍佔領這座城市，那將是一場象徵性的失敗。我們知道這對伊朗很重要，因為伊朗的 Tasnim 媒體正在強調這場戰鬥。胡塞武裝稱這次攻勢為“勝利之春”，週一發表了一篇解釋他們戰術的長文。胡塞叛軍發言人“說，也門軍隊在部落部隊的幫助下，在馬里卜省、沙布瓦省和拜達省成功開展了行動，”塔斯尼姆說。胡塞“發言人宣布，在勝利之春解放行動第二階段解放了1100平方公里的地區”。
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胡塞武裝聲稱他們正面臨艱難的戰鬥。他們聲稱他們遭到了 159 次沙特阿拉伯空軍的空襲。反過來，他們對“入侵的飛機”進行了 86 次行動。胡塞武裝聲稱他們的導彈部隊還進行了 47 次行動，其中 31 次在也門被佔領土內，16 次在沙特阿拉伯深處。他們公開吹噓攻擊沙特阿拉伯，總共進行了 141 次涉及胡塞無人機的行動。胡塞武裝獲得了採用伊朗技術的無人機。一些報導稱，伊朗甚至在也門部署了無人機，可以到達以色列並攻擊阿曼灣的油輪。7 月，一架無人機襲擊了一艘油輪，造成兩人死亡。以色列和美國將這次襲擊歸咎於伊朗。
2019 年 10 月 4 日，在也門薩那，一名男子和胡塞運動的支持者參加集會慶祝該組織在與沙特阿拉伯接壤的邊界附近取得軍事進展時高呼口號。 MOHAMED AL-SAYAGHI/REUTERS
胡塞武裝越來越多地將
自己
描繪成伊朗與真主黨和伊拉克民兵在該地區結盟的
一部分。胡塞武裝一直公開反對猶太人，他們的口號是“詛咒猶太人”。口號是“上帝至大，美國之死，以色列之死，猶太人的詛咒，伊斯蘭的勝利。” 在最近的塔斯尼姆報告中，胡塞武裝聲稱他們正在與“華盛頓和特拉維夫的侵略者、佔領者和僱傭軍作戰”。顯然，他們相信他們與沙特阿拉伯的戰鬥是他們對以色列和美國的整體戰爭的一部分。馬里布只是一塊墊腳石。
胡塞發言人說，他們的部隊“成功解放了馬里卜省的大部分地區，並將繼續對他們的人民和國家履行聖戰職責，”伊朗的塔斯尼姆說。在最近的戰鬥中，約有 200 人喪生。現在，胡塞武裝警告馬里布的捍衛者停止戰鬥。“也門戰爭是侵略者的徹底失敗，”報告說。胡塞武裝稱沙特阿拉伯的戰爭是“犯罪和野蠻的”。他們現在正在開車完成對馬里布的圍攻並試圖扼殺這座城市。
與此同時，沙特阿拉伯及其在海灣地區的盟友驅逐了黎巴嫩的特使，並猛烈抨擊了似乎支持胡塞武裝的黎巴嫩新聞部長。阿聯酋已敦促其公民離開黎巴嫩，並表示其外交官已離開該國。利雅得希望真主黨停止對黎巴嫩的緩慢接管。利雅得希望減少真主黨的存在。伊朗似乎想在馬里布向沙特阿拉伯施壓，這可能是在利雅得試圖向黎巴嫩的真主黨施壓之際，從也門打擊沙特阿拉伯的更大策略的一部分。這意味著利雅得面臨著伊朗威脅的區域議程，從也門經過阿曼灣到科威特，再經過伊拉克和阿爾布卡邁勒，再經過敘利亞到黎巴嫩，綿延數千公里。以色列也將這種威脅視為嚴重關切。
Battle of Marib could be nearing key point, affects Saudi Arabia, Iran
Marib is several hundred kilometers from the Saudi border but if the rebels take the city it will be a symbolic defeat.
By SETH J. FRANTZMAN
NOVEMBER 3, 2021 01:34
A YEMENI government fighter fires at Houthi fighters in Marib, Yemen, March 28.
(photo credit: ALI OWIDHA/ REUTERS)
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Iran and Saudi Arabia are watching closely as a key battle in Marib in Yemen reaches another potential turning point. More than two dozen people were reported killed this week by a Houthi rebel missile attack that struck a mosque and school. The Houthi rebels are backed by Iran. Iran has helped provide them support in missile and drone technology.
Saudi Arabia intervened in Yemen to stop the Houthis from taking over key cities like Aden. Since then Riyadh became bogged down in Yemen supporting the embattled government forces. The UAE, which had once played a role alongside Riyadh, now appears to have taken a different path in Yemen. What this means is that Riyadh could risk watching its Yemen allies lose a key battle on its doorstep in Marib in Yemen.
Marib is several hundred kilometers from the Saudi border but if the rebels take the city it will be a symbolic defeat. We know it is important to Iran because Iran’s Tasnim media is highlighting the battle. The Houthis call this offensive the “spring of victory” and a long article explaining their tactics was published on Monday. The Houthi rebel spokesperson “said that Yemeni army forces, with the help of tribal forces, have carried out successful operations in the provinces of Ma'rib, Shabwa and al-Bayda,” Tasnim says. The Houthi “spokesman announced the liberation of an area of ​​1,100 square kilometers in the second phase of the Victory Spring liberation operation.”
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The Houthis claim they are facing tough battles. They claim they had been hit by 159 Saudi Arabia air force air strikes. In turn they have carried out 86 operations against the “invading aircraft.” The Houthis claim their missile unit has also carried out 47 operations, 31 of which were inside the occupied territories of Yemen and 16 inside the depths of Saudi Arabia. They openly brag about attacking Saudi Arabia with a total of 141 operations involving Houthi drones. The Houthis acquired drones with Iranian technology. Some reports say Iran has even based drones in Yemen that can reach Israel and can attack tankers in the Gulf of Oman. In July a drone attacked a tanker, killing two people. Israel and the US blamed Iran for the attack.
A man chants slogans as he and supporters of the Houthi movement attend a rally to celebrate following claims of military advances by the group near the borders with Saudi Arabia, in Sanaa, Yemen October 4, 2019.MOHAMED AL-SAYAGHI/REUTERS
The Houthis increasingly portray
themselves as part
of the Iranian alliance system in the region with Hezbollah and Iraqi militias. The Houthis have always been openly antisemitic, their slogan calls for “cursing the Jews.” The slogan is “God is Greatest, Death to America, Death to Israel, Curse on the Jews, Victory to Islam.” In the recent Tasnim report the Houthis claimed that they were fighting against the “aggressors and occupiers and mercenaries of Washington and Tel Aviv.” Clearly they believe their battle against Saudi Arabia is part of their overall war on Israel and the US. Marib is merely a stepping stone.
The Houthi spokesperson said that their forces “were successful in liberating most areas of Ma'rib province and will continue their jihadist duties towards their people and country,” Iran’s Tasnim says. In recent fighting some 200 people have been killed. Now the Houthis are warning Marib’s defenders to stop fighting. “The Yemeni war is a complete defeat for the aggressors,” the report says. The Houthis say Saudi Arabia's war "criminal and barbaric.” They are now driving to complete the siege of Marib and try to strangle the city.
Meanwhile Saudi Arabia and its allies in the Gulf have expelled Lebanon’s envoys and have slammed the Lebanese Information Minister who appeared to back the Houthis. The UAE has urged its citizens to leave Lebanon and has said its diplomats left the country. Riyadh wants Hezbollah to stop its slow takeover of Lebanon. Riyadh wants the Hezbollah presence reduced. Iran looks to want to pressure Saudi Arabia in Marib perhaps as part of a much larger ploy to strike at Saudi Arabia from Yemen as Riyadh tries to pressure Hezbollah in Lebanon. That means that Riyadh faces a regional agenda of Iranian threats stretching thousands of kilometers from Yemen via the Gulf of Oman to Kuwait and through Iraq and Albukamal and then through Syria to Lebanon. Israel also sees this arc of threats as a serious concern.
塔木茲：以色列著名導彈 30 年的故事
軍事事務：追踪從以色列秘密項目到世界知名導彈的 30 年發展歷程。
作者：安娜·阿羅海姆
2021 年 11 月 4 日 20:39
從 IDF 坦克發射的 TAMMUZ 導彈。
（圖片來源：RAFAEL ADVANCED SYSTEMS）
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以色列國防軍開始使用曾經是秘密的導彈已經 30 年了，該導彈現已出售給世界各地的數十個國家，據國外報導稱，以色列軍方使用這種導彈打擊敘利亞境內的伊朗目標。
由拉斐爾先進防禦系統公司開發的地對地發射後不管塔穆茲（Spike）導彈的故事始於 1974 年贖罪日戰爭之後，當時以色列國防軍面臨著眾多坦克運輸的困難作戰場景難以阻止的入侵以色列。
“我們需要一個解決方案，在車隊到達我們的邊境之前，在我們的部隊進入他們的射程之前阻止他們，”拉斐爾精確戰術武器系統部門負責人 Zvi Marmor 說。“我們想要一種世界末日武器，以確保贖罪日不會再次發生。”
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在贖罪日戰爭來了幾乎一個完整的驚喜到以色列，並給予警告通知太晚有序徵召儲備的敘利亞和埃及軍隊之前，蘇聯受訓，並與現代武器叢生的武裝，對戈蘭高地和西奈半島的以色列國防軍陣地發動了聯合突襲。
這場戰爭以失敗而載入以色列的歷史，導致 2,688 名以色列國防軍士兵喪生，數千人受傷，數百人被俘。超過 1,000 輛坦克和數百架飛機被摧毀或損壞。
贖罪日戰爭（來源：Menashe Azuri / La'am）
也正是在那個時候，蘇制的T-72坦克抵達中東，以色列國防軍的導彈根本擋不住的現代化坦克。
因此，在最初的想法提出幾年後，1979 年，開始了一個非常秘密的項目，該項目為地面部隊開發了世界上第一顆能夠阻止此類坦克的電光導彈。
導彈及其發射器的工作全速進行，1982 年第一次開發完成，拉斐爾開始為以色列國防軍生產，然後將秘密導彈部署到傘兵旅的莫蘭部隊，馬爾默告訴耶路撒冷郵政。
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幾年後，在 1991 年，以色列國防軍決定將該部隊轉移到砲兵部隊並將其更名為梅塔，因為傘兵部隊“不是導彈的好地方，因為它面臨複雜的作戰挑戰，”他補充說。
它於 1991 年首次被以色列國防軍的砲兵部隊使用，幾年後，長釘也被安裝在飛機和海軍艦艇上，並在第二次起義期間首次被砲兵部隊的梅塔爾部隊的士兵用於打擊巴勒斯坦恐怖分子。加沙地帶，後來在 2006 年第二次黎巴嫩戰爭期間對抗真主黨，當時約有 500 枚導彈向屬於恐怖組織的目標發射。
從那以後的幾年裡，拉斐爾升級了初始導彈的能力 (NLOS) 及其射程（從 6-8 公里到 32 公里）和殺傷力。
該導彈能夠穿透 39 英寸（99 厘米）的裝甲，可以在直接攻擊或僅基於目標坐標的中途導航中操作。這些模式能夠以​​精確定位、損害評估和獲取實時情報來擊敗遠程隱藏目標。
它可以從車輛、直升機、輪船和地面發射器上發射，並具有先進的光電導引頭，其中包括具有人工智能功能的智能目標跟踪器的功能。
該導彈專為對付具有低特徵和時間敏感特性的新現代目標而設計，還包括新的第三方目標分配（網絡啟用）增強功能，帶有嵌入式慣性測量單元組件，允許導彈發射到網格目標坐標，包括先進的裝甲和保護系統，使其成為世界上僅有的具有這種能力的導彈之一。
但該導彈一直被以色列國防軍和國防機構以及拉斐爾保密，直到 2011 年。那時它也已出售給國際客戶，並用於遠離以色列邊界的衝突。
2007 年，Spike 的第一個國際客戶是英國軍隊，當時它要求以色列緊急協助它保護其軍隊——以及一名特定士兵哈里王子——免受伊拉克城市巴士拉的戰士的攻擊。
“他們需要一些與戰場非常相關的東西，以保護王子免受迫擊砲襲擊，”馬爾默說。
拉斐爾夜以繼日地工作以使該系統與英國軍隊相關，但最終王子並沒有被部署到巴士拉，“所以需求並不那麼緊迫。儘管如此，該導彈還是在巴士拉”和阿富汗使用，英國人也在阿富汗部署了軍隊對抗塔利班。
“最後，這個系統比王子更可靠，”馬爾默笑著說。
在部署令人滿意之後，英國訂購了更多導彈，其他國家也很快跟進。
此後，該導彈以各種版本出售給全球 38 個國家，其中包括 20 個北約部隊。已經生產和供應了超過 33,000 發子彈，並集成了多達 45 種不同的平台，包括攻擊直升機、地面車輛和船舶。
以色列國防軍還擁有數千枚長釘導彈，包括為其步兵部隊特別定制的長釘 SR 火箭發射器，其重量減輕了 40%，以便在陸地機動期間為戰場上的部隊提供更大的靈活性。它也被以色列空軍和海軍使用。
據敘利亞報導，以色列也曾使用長釘導彈打擊這個飽受戰爭蹂躪的國家的伊朗目標，最近一次是在上週末，大馬士革郊外的一個武器儲存裝置在一次罕見的白天襲擊中遭到襲擊。
Rafael 現在在 Spike 系列中擁有三款導彈——Spike NLOS（非視距）、Spike ER（增程）、Spike MR/LR（中/遠程）和 Spike SR（短程）。
“Spike 是一個品牌名稱；這是一個大家庭，”Marmor 說。對於世界各地的軍隊來說，“這個品牌幾乎和耐克或可口可樂一樣出名。”
Marmor 說，最受歡迎的是 Spike LR2 第五代導彈，它被世界各地的步兵部隊使用。
在導彈攔截敵方坦克車隊的想法首次成為現實的 30 年後，對於 Marmor 來說，還有很多事情可以做。
“我們一直在開發和改進導彈。我們一直致力於研究它的射程、能力、殺傷力，並使其在戰場上更有效率，”他說。“我們從不停止；我們不能。因為如果我們停下來，我們就不再相關了。”•
Tammuz: The 30-year story of Israel's famous missile
MILITARY AFFAIRS: Tracking 30 years of development from a secretive Israeli project to a world-renowned missile.
By ANNA AHRONHEIM
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 20:39
A TAMMUZ MISSILE launched from an IDF tank.
(photo credit: RAFAEL ADVANCED SYSTEMS)
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It’s been 30 years since the IDF began to use a once-secret missile that has now been sold to dozens of countries around the world and, according to foreign reports, used by the Israeli military against Iranian targets in Syria.
The story of the surface-to-surface fire-and-forget Tammuz (Spike) missile, which was developed by Rafael Advanced Defense Systems, begins in 1974 just after the Yom Kippur War, where the IDF faced difficult operational scenarios of numerous tank conveys invading Israel which were difficult to stop.
“We needed a solution to stop the convoys before they arrived at our border and before our units entered their range,” said Zvi Marmor, head of the Precision Tactical Weapons Systems Division at Rafael. “We wanted a doomsday weapon to make sure that Yom Kippur wouldn’t happen again.”
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The Yom Kippur War came almost as a complete surprise to Israel, and warning notice was given too late for an orderly call-up of the reserves before the Syrian and Egyptian armies, trained by the Soviet Union and armed with a profusion of modern weapons, launched a joint surprise attack on IDF positions on the Golan Heights and in the Sinai Peninsula.
The war has gone down in Israel’s history as a failure that saw 2,688 IDF soldiers killed, thousands more wounded and hundreds captured. More than 1,000 tanks and hundreds of aircraft were destroyed or damaged.
Yom Kippur war (credit: Menashe Azuri / La'am)
It was also around that time that the Soviet-made T-72 tank arrived in the Middle East, a modern tank that the missiles of the IDF couldn’t stop.
And so, several years after the initial idea was brought up, in 1979, began the very secret project that developed the first electro-optic missile in the world for land forces that would be able to stop such tanks.
Work on the missile and its launcher went ahead at full speed, and in 1982 the first development was finalized and Rafael began to produce it for the IDF, which then deployed the secret missile to the Moran unit of the Paratroopers Brigade, Marmor told The Jerusalem Post.
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Several years later, in 1991, the IDF decided to move the unit to the Artillery Corps and renamed it Meitar, since the Paratroopers unit “wasn’t a good place for the missile, since it had complex operational challenges,” he added.
It was first used by the IDF’s Artillery Corps in 1991, and several years later, the Spike was also installed on aircraft and naval ships, and it was first used during the Second Intifada by soldiers from the Artillery Corps’ Meitar unit against Palestinian terrorists in the Gaza Strip and later against Hezbollah during the 2006 Second Lebanon War, when some 500 missiles were fired at targets belonging to the terrorist group.
In the years since then, Rafael has upgraded the capabilities (NLOS) of the initial missile as well as its range (from 6-8 km. to 32 km.) and lethality.
The missile is capable of penetrating 39 inches (99 cm.) of armor and can be operated in either a direct attack or mid-course navigation based on target coordinates only. These modes enable the defeat of long-range hidden targets, with pinpoint precision, damage assessment, and the obtaining of real time intelligence.
It can be fired from vehicles, helicopters, ships and ground launchers, and has advanced electro-optic seekers which include capabilities of a smart target tracker with artificial intelligence features.
Designed for use against new modern targets with a low signature and time-sensitive characteristics, the missile also includes new third-party target allocation (networked-enabled) enhancement with an embedded inertial measurement unit assembly, which allows the missiles to be fired to grid target coordinates, including advanced armor and protection systems, making it one of the only missiles in the world with this capability.
BUT THE missile was kept a secret by the IDF and the defense establishment as well as by Rafael until 2011. By then it had also been sold to international customers and used in conflicts far from Israel’s borders.
The Spike’s first international customer was the British Army, when it asked Israel to urgently assist it in protecting its troops – and one specific soldier, Prince Harry – from fighters in the Iraqi city of Basra in 2007.
“They needed something very relevant for the battlefield in order to protect the prince from mortar attacks,” Marmor said.
Rafael worked around the clock to make the system relevant for the British Army, but in the end the prince wasn’t deployed to Basra, “and so the need wasn’t so urgent. Nevertheless the missile was used in Basra” and in Afghanistan, where the Brits had also deployed troops in the fight against the Taliban.
“In the end, the system was more reliable than the prince,” Marmor said, chuckling.
Following their satisfactory deployment, the British ordered more missiles, and other countries soon followed.
The missile has since been sold in various versions to 38 countries worldwide, including 20 NATO forces. Over 33,000 rounds have been produced and supplied, and as many as 45 different platforms integrated, including attack helicopters, ground vehicles and marine vessels.
The IDF also has thousands of Spike missiles, including specially customized Spike SR rocket launchers for its infantry forces that have a reduced weight of 40% to provide greater flexibility to troops in the field during land maneuvers. It’s also in use by the Israel Air Force and Navy.
According to Syrian reports, the Spike missile has also been used by Israel against Iranian targets in the war-torn country, most recently this past weekend when a weapons storage unit was struck outside of Damascus in a rare daytime strike.
Rafael now has three missiles in the Spike family – Spike NLOS (non-line of sight), Spike ER (extended range), Spike MR/LR (medium/long range), and Spike SR (short range).
“The Spike is a brand name; it’s a whole big family,” Marmor said. For militaries around the world, “the brand is almost as famous as Nike or Coca-Cola.”
The most popular, Marmor, said is the Spike LR2 fifth-generation missile, which is used by infantry units around the world.
And three decades after the idea of a missile stopping a convoy of enemy tanks first became a reality, for Marmor, there’s still a lot more that can be done.
“We are always developing and improving the missile. We are always working on its ranges, abilities, lethality, and to make it more efficient on the battlefield,” he said. “We never stop; we can’t. Because if we ever stop, we won’t be relevant anymore.”•
宗教改革：政府聯盟成員權衡
與聯盟夥伴就宗教和國家事務進行對話。
作者：大衛·布雷克斯通
2021 年 11 月 4 日 19:22
在 Kotel 南端的 Robinson's Arch 祈禱，該部分預留用於多元化祈禱。
（照片來源：羅伯特·斯威夫特/FLASH90）
廣告
3 月，幾個爭取公眾信任的政黨堅決支持在以色列社會促進宗教多元化。但加入政府之前的聲明是一回事；立法是另一回事。
現在，在前一百天的寬限期過後，我與幾位聯盟部長和以色列議會成員坐下來了解取得了哪些進展，以及未來的進展。
Moshe Tur-Paz (Yesh Atid)：在宗教和世俗猶太復國主義者之間建立聯盟
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“這簡直就是一場革命，” MK Moshe Tur-Paz 在以色列議會宗教服務委員會會議後說。他指的是宗教事務部長 Matan Kahana (Yamina) 提出的法案，該法案引入了有關 kashrut 認證的深遠改革。“這讓 haredim 感到害怕，”他解釋說，“他們害怕向自由的東正教拉比敞開大門，害怕失去他們在這個領域的唯一權威以及隨之而來的收入損失。”
Tur-Paz 是 Yesh Atid 的東正教成員，已被外交部長 Yair Lapid 授權負責推動該黨在宗教和國家事務上的政策，他預計會發生“地震”動搖這一領域。
“73 年來，人們一直假設有宗教陣營想要加強首席拉比的機構，而左翼則與之抗爭，”他詳細說明。“突然間，這個代表世俗猶太復國主義者和大多數宗教猶太復國主義者的聯盟出現了，他們共同代表了以色列 80% 的猶太人口，他們走到一起支持更多的卡什魯特選擇和更少的拉比干預。[總理] Naftali Bennett 和代表右翼和中左翼集團的拉皮德簽署了一項立法協議，以實現這一目標，並在轉換問題上從首席拉比那里奪取絕對控制權。這預示著未來還會發生其他深刻的變化。”
MK MOSHE TUR-PAZ（Yesh Atid，左）與 haredi MK Uri Maklev（聯合托拉猶太教）：地震。（來源：以色列議會發言人辦公室）
你似乎相信這樣的改變會到來，但你願意走多遠？儘管這些改革很受歡迎，但它們無助於平衡猶太教自由派的地位，也沒有減輕那些 FSU 移民和其他以色列不承認為猶太人的人的困境。他們還是不能在這裡結婚。
我的立場是，公證婚姻應該是一種選擇，當然對於那些無法通過拉比結婚的人來說，也許對於那些可以但不想結婚的人來說也是如此。
由非正統拉比主持的婚禮？目前他們在以色列是非法的。這個政府會通過立法來改變這一點嗎？
我不能告訴你，但這是我們必須處理的事情。我不贊成政教分離。但是，我確實相信每個猶太人都應該能夠按照他們的理解來實踐猶太教。我希望有選擇。
但沒有。改革和保守的猶太人在這裡感覺就像二等公民。這些海外運動的成員已經表示，他們不相信以色列真的想要他們。關於西牆平等祈禱的協議的暫停是一個特別痛點。
如果更多的散居猶太人成為 aliyah，事情就會改變。儘管如此，我仍將其視為我的使命——無論是作為個人還是作為 MK——向每個猶太人宣傳他們在這裡應該有賓至如歸的感覺，並確保它是如此。我不能強迫東正教拉比接受保守派猶太人，但我可以要求國家接受。
我同意執行該協議的必要性。西牆屬於整個猶太人。但有像徵意義，也有實際意義。在談判中，總是需要妥協。我想達到一個每個人都可以接受的。
我們能預料到嗎？
如果這個政府執政，我可以告訴你會有有意義的改革。這既是 Kahana 的議程，也是我們的議程。我們會達成協議。
有人抱怨說，有些事情沒有發生，因為聯盟中的一些人堅持要對極端正統派敞開大門。
我不相信是這樣，儘管我贊成他們加入。但他們必須明白，這取決於我們的條件，而不是內塔尼亞胡的條件。無論他們是否加入，我們都會繼續通過對我們很重要的改革。保守派專家說我們變得更加自由是正確的。
宗教事務部長馬坦卡哈納（亞米娜）：通過競爭支持首席拉比
鑑於圖爾-帕茲對卡什魯特改革的熱情，聽到卡哈納明確表示他相信他的卡什魯特改革法案實際上會加強首席拉比尼特，這令人驚訝，他說這是他引入立法的目標之一。他駁斥了結束拉比的壟斷將是徹底解散該機構的第一步的說法。
事實上，他堅持認為，法律將賦予拉比迄今為止從未享有的權力，授權它確定卡什魯特的普遍標準，並在其控制下建立一個權威的監督機構。那麼，為什麼要強烈抵制該倡議呢？
一句話：競爭。儘管根據新法律，首席拉比仍然是 kashrut 的監管者，但它不再是授予 kashrut 認證的唯一機構。目前，商業機構只能向當地拉比當局申請 kashrut 許可證。Kahana 的倡議將使其能夠求助於該國任何地方的眾多獨立機構。
但還有另一個原因。該法案包括一項附帶法案，允許三名拉比制定自己的卡什魯特標準，比拉比的標準更嚴格或更寬鬆。
誰制定這些標準，他們會專門處理儀式屠宰和食物準備問題，還是阻止對舉辦新年前夜慶祝活動或安息日開放的場所進行認證？
這些標準將只涉及 kashrut。但是授予認證的實體可以確定它是否有能力在安息日監督企業。
設定標準的三位拉比：他們是否隸屬於自由東正教團體，例如 Hashgacha Pratit 和 Tzohar？或者甚至是非正統派？
只有經首席拉比培訓和批准並擔任過與 kashrut 相關的職務的拉比才有權制定標準。我寧願完全不要這個選項。只有在首席拉比納決定不合作實施這項改革，或者它應該制定遠非現實的標準時，才會出現這種情況。
該部總幹事 Shimon Ma'atok 進一步澄清說：“該法案專門針對東正教 kashrut。它沒有為任何其他類型提供任何開口……我們不在那裡。”
Alon Tal（藍色和白色）：為非正統派倡導平等
Kahana 對他的 kashrut 法案的解釋是Tal對此不滿意的原因。儘管沒有低估立法的重要性，但他認為還遠遠不夠。
“任何削弱首席拉比的束縛都是向前邁出的重要一步，”他說，“但這項法律將繼續鞏固東正教作為這個國家 kashrut 的唯一仲裁者……我覺得宗教服務令人反感教育部不准備允許改革派或保守派拉比頒發他們自己的 kashrut 證書。它只會加劇這些運動的不平等。”
在他的同事的支持下，Tal 致力於改變這種情況，他向我保證，他們都對猶太傳統有著深厚的依戀，同時拒絕強制。
他還認為他的派系特別欣賞猶太人生活的多樣性，並且對以色列社會中日益增長的猶太人多元化的需求特別敏感。
Tal 是 Masorti 運動的活躍成員，正在努力做到這一點。這不是他唯一的優先事項（環保主義是首要的，賦予女性權力是另一個），而是他熱衷的一項。不過，他很快就明白，取得進步並不容易。甚至他的聯盟夥伴也不支持他對卡什魯特法案的修正案。
“我很失望，”他說。“但我知道政治是妥協的藝術，即使如此，通過這項法案也是至關重要的——也是邁向其他改革的重要一步。”
Tal更看好Kotel協議的實施。在被前政府凍結之前，他已經準備好立法，規定其完全執行最初批准的，並且預計聯盟夥伴不會反對。我與他們中的一些人的談話讓我懷疑並非如此。
你的一些同事告訴我，他們預計協議必須經過修改才能獲得通過。其他人則暗示此時反對完全推動它，以保持聯盟的大門向極端正統派敞開。
它將通過，如果不是通過法律，那麼由政府決定。
我不想貶低它的重要性，但現實是，西牆協議雖然具有巨大的象徵意義，但不會影響我們的日常生活。在這個政府的領導下，有沒有希望進行改革，讓人們可以隨心所欲地結婚或下葬？
目前，這些問題對我的大多數同事來說並不是優先事項——要么是因為它們不會影響到他們個人，要么是因為還有其他更緊迫的事情，比如預算、健康和教育。
那麼，我們對這個政府在宗教和國家事務方面的進展有什麼期望呢？
小步驟，但至關重要的步驟，例如打破首席拉比的壟斷。在本屆政府上台之前，這是不可想像的。我也希望提交一項放寬婚姻法律的法案，我希望這會得到支持。
現在是推動這些變化的時候了。如果這不會在這個政府的領導下發生，它永遠不會發生。
亞歷克斯·庫什尼爾（Yisrael Beitenu）：將 haredim 整合到勞動力中
政府實際影響 Tal 所倡導的變革的可能性有多大？我就是這樣開始與 MK Kushnir 談話的。具體來說，我問他是否相信我的孫子們可以在這裡結婚。在 FSU 的大約 300,000 名移民中，我的一個兒媳是猶太人父親和非猶太人母親所生的人之一。他們的宗教在這裡被登記為“未知”。
由於以色列只允許舉行宗教婚禮，而且只有被首席拉比尼認為是猶太人的人才能結婚，因此她在法律上被禁止結婚。儘管如此，她堅持自己的猶太身份，還是選擇通過馬索爾蒂運動皈依和結婚。然而，這在宗教當局眼中沒有任何改變，他們繼續將她和她的孩子視為非猶太人。
“我很樂觀，”他回答說。“在你的孫子們站在 huppah 下很久之前，它就會發生。這個政府走在明確的軌道上，其特點是希望打開猶太教的大門。每個人都受夠了我們不得不忍受的宗教強制，以及成為猶太人只有一種方式的態度。”
期望本屆政府出台立法允許公證婚姻和非正統拉比進行的婚姻是否現實？
是的。我什至從 Kahana 那裡聽到了這樣的抱怨。他不是一個簡單地四處亂說的人。這是政府真正必須推動的事情。不能說我們的孩子好到可以應徵入伍，為國家而死，卻不能站在婚禮的華蓋下。
僅民事婚姻，還是由非正統拉比主持的婚姻？
就婚姻而言，國家的唯一作用應該是登記它們，而不是決定什麼樣的拉比，或者如果有拉比，需要主持儀式。但要實現這一目標，我們需要從小步驟開始，而本屆政府正在採取這些措施。只要 haredim 留在反對派，我們的機會就很好。
還關於軍隊中的哈雷迪姆？與原始法案相比，正在提議的立法大大減少了要起草的極端正統派的數量。
原則很簡單，找到合適的公式來確保他們分擔保衛國家的重擔，同時融入勞動力隊伍。為此，我已經制定了立法，將建立一個國營的 haredi 教育框架，以包括生產性就業必不可少的核心科目。不將 haredim 納入勞動力市場的經濟後果是災難性的，我們現在需要採取第一步來實現這一目標。
哈雷迪姆抵制的另一件事是：在科泰爾執行關於多元化祈禱的協議。
那應該是很久以前的事了，每一天的拖延都是一種尷尬。一旦預算獲得批准，我相信這個政府會成功處理這個問題。
Michal Rozin (Meretz)：政教分離
MK Rozin 同意庫什尼爾的評估，即一旦預算獲得通過，我們就可以期待西牆問題的進展。但她期望獲得批准的程度遠低於她希望的程度。作為以色列議會宗教自由和多元猶太復興核心小組的主席，以及隔離牆婦女的長期支持者，她將目光投向了更廣泛的改革。
“在我看來，整個西牆應該對所有的溪流和男人和女人都開放。這不是猶太教堂；這是一個國家網站，”她說。“但我們不僅需要考慮我們想要什麼，還要考慮我們可以實現什麼。
“這不是一個容易的政府。它不僅僅由中左翼和自由黨組成。並且在安息日和公證期間推進公共交通等事情將是困難的。但我確實相信我們將能夠從這個國家宗教生活的 haredi 統治中解脫出來。這已經發生在 kashrut 和皈依領域。”
然而，即使有了這項立法，kashrut 仍將完全掌握在東正教手中。
我們正在努力將黑色 kippah [haredim 的典型] 換成針織 kippah [由宗教猶太復國主義者穿著]。人們想要傳統，但他們討厭強制。我們正在讓他們在他們關心的領域更輕鬆。梅雷茲當然想徹底解散首席拉比，但如果這不會發生，至少我們可以緩和它的影響。
例如，kashrut 法將滿足大部分想要在海灘度過安息日早晨，然後在他們知道食物是猶太潔食的餐廳用餐的人群。Kahana 的法案將允許這樣做，消除餐館因與食物無關的原因而關閉的荒謬情況。公眾想要更自由的方法、更開放、更多的選擇。
梅雷茲想要什麼？
理想情況下，政教分離；不是公共資金不能用於宗教目的的美國模式。在這裡，就像政府建造社區中心、文化場館、體育設施和動物園一樣，它也應該建造猶太教堂和米克沃特——但對所有人開放。但宗教與政治應該完全分離。
個人身份法和民法也應該完全分離。每個人都有權按照自己的意願結婚。荒謬的是，在以色列境外舉行的任何形式的婚禮都必須在這裡登記，而同一婚禮，如果在以色列境內舉行，則不被承認。這不是理性的。沒有理由這樣做。
你能說服你的聯盟夥伴嗎？
即使是那些理解邏輯的人也會猶豫不決。人們害怕現狀的崩潰和失去他們的選區。我明白那個。我們需要勇敢的領導才能做出轉變。我是否樂觀地認為，未來幾年將出現對實施必要改革至關重要的那種領導？我不確定，但 Meretz 有一個工作計劃，也許我們會成功地從邏輯上說服人們。我能保證這會發生嗎？不，但我當然不會放棄。
Nachman Shai（工黨）：重振與僑民的聯繫
Rozin 吹捧的關於宗教多元化的進展對僑民事務部長 Shai 也很重要——不僅是為了生活在以色列的人，也是為了我們與海外人民的關係。他上任後的第一個舉措是建立一個猶太復興單位，以振興以色列與國外猶太人之間的關係——他說，這是當今以色列最優先考慮的挑戰之一。
“這裡有兩個問題。首先是與以色列的疏遠，尤其是在年輕的美國猶太人中；這是一個非常嚴重的問題，”他說。“進步陣營對我們在以色列真正關心的事情——民主和人權——非常挑剔。第二個是關於宗教自由的問題，突出表現在科特爾協議中止引發的危機，這對以色列與美國猶太人最大的教派之間的關係產生了非常不利的影響。
“是時候回到正軌，應對這兩個挑戰，開啟對話，對抗這種與以色列和猶太復國主義的分離，以免失去下一代。”
如果修復對以色列與僑民關係的損害確實具有如此嚴重的後果，如果西牆協議的中止是造成損害的主要因素，為什麼我們在執行方面沒有看到任何進展？
我實際上已經提交了一項政府決議，該決議將使我們恢復到原來的西牆安排，而一個字都沒有改變。總理非常清楚這樣做的必要性，它對美國猶太人——尤其是改革和保守運動——的重要性，他個人是最初協議的堅定支持者，但首先他需要通過州預算。在那之後，我相信這將是他的首要任務之一。
在聯盟內部，您是否預計會有任何反對意見？
我已經和大多數政府部長談過了。我們在一個好地方。
但與解決西牆問題一樣關鍵，它本質上具有像徵意義。您是否看到這個政府通過立法來平衡非正統派在以色列的地位？
我認為這種情況不會很快發生。就我個人而言，我非常贊成，我們也應該在民事婚姻方面朝著這個方向前進，但我們必須非常小心地工作，一步一步。這些都是微妙的政治問題。
與此同時，我們對猶太復興單位有何期待，可能會改善我們與僑民猶太人關係的一些惡化？
目前，我們正在認真地繪製該領域的地圖，與在該領域工作的各種組織會面，聽取他們的要求，收集想法並建立項目實施機制。所有資金將用於以色列，促進宗教多元化。但我們不會規定如何最好地做到這一點。
那些活躍在這個領域的人將幫助我們確定這一點。但是政府沒有任何理由在其他教派被忽視的情況下幫助東正教。我希望我們分配的預算能夠彌補這些年來的一些情況。
計劃與世界各地的其他猶太社區接觸，例如以色列拒絕承認的烏干達的 Abayudaya，或者想要與我們接觸的數十個新興社區。你看到你的事工與他們有牽連嗎？
這是我打算深入研究的一個重要問題。我會到達那裡。它在我的議程上。
Zvi Hauser（新希望）：與對猶太人有親和力的社區建立聯繫
我向 Shai 提到的新興社區是僑民事務部 2017 年發布的一份 66 頁報告的主題。其令人驚訝的結論是，全世界約有 3500 萬人與猶太人有親緣關係，無論是血緣還是血緣關係。或願望，它挑戰了關於界限和歸屬感的傳統思維。
該報告對政府在這件事上缺乏政策表示遺憾，警告說“對這些社區的無視和持續不作為可能會對以色列和猶太人民的未來產生毀滅性的後果”，並表示擔心未能考慮到現象可能導致“平行社區的建立，這些社區將被各國承認為猶太人，但與猶太人民或以色列國無關。”
研究人員敦促採取積極主動的應對措施，包括建立“一個國家機構來解決這個問題”，同時“使人們能夠持續參與這一不斷發展的新現實”，這將創造與這些社區的對話渠道，啟動計劃以將他們的領導力帶到以色列，並擴大接受政府資助的以色列計劃的標準，使他們的青年能夠參與其中。
豪瑟是撰寫該報告的著名公眾人物之一。今天，他是新希望黨的一名 MK，對他來說，“猶太問題”既關乎這個問題，也關乎傳統的宗教和國家問題。
現在和當時一樣，他堅信需要與那些覺得自己與我們聯繫在一起的人建立聯繫。“這些社區是最高級別的戰略資產，”他斷言。
“有數以百萬計的人有可能影響更多人，但我們卻忽略了他們，”他感嘆道。“任何其他國家都會抓住機會與這樣的人口建立關係。”
相反，他說，即使是少數意識到這一現象的人也認為它只是一種好奇心，對探索它並沒有表現出真正的興趣。“我不是在談論進入以色列或猶太人的大門。我放在一邊的那些。近期目標必須是利用這些人作為有影響力的人為國家謀福利。”
但正是這些門讓你希望看到的身體感到害怕，從而促進了這些關係。根據我擔任猶太機構執行副主席的經驗，只要提到這份報告，就會讓人擔心我們會完全沒有準備好應對想像中的大量移居以色列的請求。
由於這種恐懼，我們沒有準備好應對這種趨勢，無論有沒有我們，這種趨勢只會增長。我們必須採取一種戰略，將這種發展視為機遇而不是威脅。那些感受到這種親和力的人會以需要讓我們感興趣的方式來表達它。撇開猶太法不談，那些堅持自己擁有猶太基因的人將傾向於與以色列和猶太人接觸。為了我們自己的利益，我們需要利用這一點。
然而，內政部甚至拒絕承認那些猶太機構正式承認為猶太人的社區，例如烏干達的 Abayudaya。由於 Shas 不再受控制，您是否預見到會發生變化？
內政部長需要看到更廣闊的圖景。我對 [Shas 領導人 Arye] Deri 處理事情的方式不滿意，對他管轄的事情採取狹隘的看法。事情需要改變。
我已經向你的聯盟夥伴提出了這個問題。它甚至不在他們的雷達屏幕上。
不。但我們不能照常營業，就好像這些人不存在一樣。我們需要點燃對話，點燃想像力。這裡有一個歷史性的機會，我們有責任擁抱它。
你樂觀嗎？對於那些被以色列忽視的人、被剝奪權利的人、對於那些認為自己是二等猶太人的非東正教教徒，New Hope 是否有希望的信息？
國家必須以最深刻的方式平等地屬於全體猶太人，包括所有猶太教流派。這是以色列的使命、其史詩般的願望和日常實踐不可或缺的一部分。我們正在為此努力，將崇高的理想轉化為主權的複雜性。這是猶太復國主義思想的核心。
'在預算之後'
在這些對話中的一個共同點是：只有在預算獲得批准後，公眾才能判斷這個“變革政府”在立法影響我們這裡生活的重大宗教和國家改革方面是否成功，以及海外猶太人在多大程度上將把以色列視為真正是整個猶太人的民族國家。
與此同時，這些部長和 MKs 為他們脆弱的伙伴關係已經產生的好處感到自豪，並且普遍對未來的進展持樂觀態度，這將使以色列社會更加愉快地成為猶太人。
然而，同樣清楚的是，以色列議會的每個派係都有其獨特的理想以色列概念。在不踐踏他們獨特願景的情況下，走一條能夠表達各方共同點的道路，這只是這個意外政府必鬚麵對的又一個挑戰。選民對其成功的評價不僅取決於實際發生的事情，還取決於他們自己對以色列成為一個猶太國家意味著什麼的看法。
作者最近完成了猶太機構執行委員會副主席的任期，在此期間，他廣泛參與了與宗教和國家、猶太多元主義以及以色列與僑民關係相關的事務。
Religious reform: Government coalition members weigh in
A conversation with coalition partners on matters of religion and state.
By DAVID BREAKSTONE
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 19:22
PRAYING AT Robinson’s Arch at the south end of the Kotel, the section set aside for pluralistic prayer.
(photo credit: ROBERT SWIFT/FLASH90)
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In March, several political parties vying for the public’s confidence were resolute in their support for promoting religious pluralism in Israeli society. But declarations before joining the government are one thing; legislation is something else.
Now, with the first hundred days of grace behind them, I sat down with several coalition ministers and Knesset members to hear what headway has been made, and what lies ahead.
Moshe Tur-Paz (Yesh Atid): Forging an alliance between religious and secular Zionists
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“It’s nothing short of a revolution,” MK Moshe Tur-Paz said after a meeting of the Knesset Committee on Religious Services. He was referring to the bill presented by Religious Affairs Minister Matan Kahana (Yamina) introducing far-reaching reform regarding kashrut certification. “It frightens the haredim,” he explained, “who are afraid of opening the door to liberal Orthodox rabbis and forfeiting their sole authority in this sphere and the consequential loss of income.”
Tur-Paz, an Orthodox member of Yesh Atid, has been mandated by Foreign Minister Yair Lapid with the responsibility for driving the party’s policy in matters of religion and state, and he anticipates an “earthquake” shaking this domain.
“For 73 years, the assumption has been that there is the religious camp that wants to fortify the institution of the Chief Rabbinate, and the Left that has fought against that,” he elaborated. “Suddenly there is this alliance representing the secular Zionists and the majority of the religious Zionists, who together represent 80% of Israel’s Jewish population, coming together in favor of more kashrut options and less rabbinate interference. [Prime Minister] Naftali Bennett and Lapid, representing the right-wing and Center-Left blocs, signed an agreement on legislation that would bring this about, as well as wresting absolute control from the Chief Rabbinate in matters of conversion. That portends other profound changes down the line.”
MK MOSHE TUR-PAZ (Yesh Atid, on left) with haredi MK Uri Maklev (United Torah Judaism): Earthquake. (credit: KNESSET SPOKESPERSON'S OFFICE)
You seem confident such changes will come, but how far are you willing to go? As welcome as these reforms are, they do nothing to equalize the status of the liberal streams of Judaism, nor alleviate the plight of those FSU immigrants and others whom Israel doesn’t recognize as Jewish. They still won’t be able to marry here.
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My position is that civil marriage should be an option, certainly for those unable to marry through the rabbinate, and perhaps also for those who can but don’t want to.
And weddings performed by non-Orthodox rabbis? Currently they’re illegal in Israel. Will this government pass legislation changing that?
I can’t tell you that, but it’s something we have to deal with. I’m not in favor of separation of religion and state. However, I do believe every Jew should be able to practice Judaism as they understand it. I want there to be choice.
But there isn’t. Reform and Conservative Jews here feel like second-class citizens. Members of these movements overseas are already saying they don’t believe Israel really wants them. The suspension of the agreement regarding egalitarian prayer at the Western Wall is a particularly sore point.
If more Diaspora Jews would make aliyah, things would change. I nevertheless see it as my mission – personally and as an MK – to broadcast to every Jew that they should feel at home here, and to make sure it is so. I can’t force an Orthodox rabbi to accept Conservative Jews, but I can demand that of the state.
I share the need for the agreement to be implemented. The Western Wall belongs to the entire Jewish people. But there is the symbolic and there is the practical. In negotiation there is always the need for compromise. I’d like to arrive at one everyone can live with.
Can we anticipate that?
If this government holds, I can tell you there will be meaningful reform. That’s both Kahana’s agenda and ours. We’ll arrive at agreements.
There are murmurings that some things aren’t happening because some in the coalition insist on keeping the door open to the ultra-Orthodox.
I don’t believe is the case, though I’m in favor of them joining. But they would have to understand that it would be on our conditions, not Netanyahu’s. Whether they join or not, we’ll continue to pass the reforms important to us. The conservative pundits are correct in saying we’re becoming more liberal.
Religious Affairs Minister Matan Kahana (Yamina): Bolstering the Chief Rabbinate through competition
Given Tur-Paz’s enthusiasm over the kashrut reform, it was surprising to hear Kahana state unequivocally that he believed his kashrut reform bill would actually strengthen the Chief Rabbinate, which he said was one of his objectives in introducing the legislation. He rejected the claims that ending the rabbinate’s monopoly would amount to a first step in dismantling the institution altogether.
In fact, he insisted, the law would invest the rabbinate with authority it has heretofore not enjoyed, empowering it to determine universal standards for kashrut and establishing an authoritative supervisory body under its control. Why, then, the fierce resistance to the initiative?
In a word: competition. Although according to the new law the Chief Rabbinate would remain the regulator of kashrut, it would no longer be the sole body granting kashrut certification. At present, a business establishment may apply only to a local rabbinic authority for a kashrut license. Kahana’s initiative would enable it to turn to a host of independent bodies anywhere in the country.
But there’s another reason. The bill includes a proviso bill allowing three rabbis to establish kashrut standards of their own, either stricter or more lenient than those of the rabbinate.
Whoever formulates these standards, will they deal exclusively with matters of ritual slaughter and the preparation of food, or prevent certification of establishments that host New Year’s Eve celebrations or remain open on Shabbat?
The standards will deal only with kashrut. But the entity granting certification can determine if it has the capacity to supervise an establishment on Shabbat.
The three rabbis setting the standards: might they be affiliated with liberal Orthodox bodies such as Hashgacha Pratit and Tzohar? Or even be non-Orthodox?
Only rabbis trained and approved by the Chief Rabbinate, who have served in kashrut-related capacities, will be authorized to set standards. I would have preferred not to have this option altogether. It is there only in case the Chief Rabbinate should decide not to cooperate at all in instituting this reform, or if it should establish standards far from realistic.
Shimon Ma’atok, the ministry’s director-general, further clarified: “This bill deals exclusively with Orthodox kashrut. It provides no opening whatsoever for any other sort… We’re not there.”
Alon Tal (Blue and White): Championing equality for the non-Orthodox streams
Kahana’s explanation of his kashrut bill is why Tal is not happy with it. Although not undervaluing the importance of the legislation, he doesn’t believe it goes far enough.
“Anything that weakens the stranglehold of the Chief Rabbinate is an important step forward,” he said, “but this law will continue to entrench the Orthodox as the sole arbiters of kashrut in this country… I find it offensive that the Religious Services Ministry is not prepared to allow Reform or Conservative rabbis to issue kashrut certificates of their own. It only exacerbates the inequality of these movements.”
That is a situation Tal is dedicated to changing with the support of his colleagues, whom he assures me all share a deep attachment to Jewish tradition while rejecting coercion.
He also believes his faction is particularly appreciative of the diversity of Jewish life, and is especially sensitive to the need for growing Jewish pluralism in Israeli society.
Tal, an active member of the Masorti Movement, is striving to do just that. It is not his only priority (environmentalism is the first and empowerment of women another) but one he is passionate about. He has learned quickly, though, that making progress isn’t easy; even his coalition partners did not support his amendments to the kashrut bill.
“I’m disappointed,” he said. “But I know politics is the art of compromise and getting this bill through, even as is, is vital – and an important step toward other reforms as well.”
Tal is more optimistic about the implementation of the Kotel agreement. He has already prepared legislation stipulating its full execution as initially approved, before having been frozen by the previous government, and doesn’t anticipate any objection from coalition partners. Conversations I had with some of them make me suspect otherwise.
Some of your colleagues tell me they expect the agreement will have to be amended to be adopted. Others have hinted there is opposition to pushing it at this time altogether, in order to keep the coalition door open to the ultra-Orthodox.
It will pass, if not by law, then by government decision.
I don’t want to detract one iota from its importance, but the reality is that the Western Wall agreement, while of enormous symbolic significance, won’t impact our daily lives. Is there any hope for reform under this government that will allow people to marry or be buried as they’d like?
Right now these issues aren’t a priority for most of my colleagues – either because they don’t affect them personally or because there are other things more pressing, like the budget, health and education.
So what can we expect from this government regarding progress in matters of religion and state?
Small steps, but crucial ones, like breaking the monopoly of the Chief Rabbinate. Before this government came into power, that would have been unthinkable. I also hope to submit a bill liberalizing laws regarding marriage which I expect will get support.
Now is the time to push for these changes. If it’s not going to happen under this government, it never will.
Alex Kushnir (Yisrael Beitenu): Integrating haredim into the work force
What are the chances of the government actually effecting the changes that Tal champions? That’s how I began my conversation with MK Kushnir. Specifically, I asked him if he believed my grandchildren would be able to marry here. One of my daughters-in-law is among the estimated 300,000 immigrants from the FSU born to a Jewish father and non-Jewish mother; their religion here is registered as “unknown.”
Since only religious weddings are allowed in Israel, and only those deemed Jewish by the Chief Rabbinate can wed, she was legally barred from getting married. Nevertheless, adamant about her Jewish identity, she chose to convert and marry through the Masorti Movement. That, however, changed nothing in the eyes of the religious authorities, who continue to regard her and her children as non-Jews.
“I’m optimistic,” he replied. “It will happen long before your grandchildren will be standing under the huppah. This government is on a clear trajectory, characterized by a desire to open the gates of Judaism. Everyone is fed up by the religious coercion we’ve had to endure, and the attitude that there’s only one way to be Jewish.”
Is it realistic to expect that this government will introduce legislation permitting both civil marriage and marriages performed by non-Orthodox rabbis?
Yes. I’ve even heard murmurings to that effect from Kahana. He’s not one to simply throw around words. This is something this government really must promote. It can’t be that our children are good enough to be drafted into the army and die for this country, but not good enough to stand under the wedding canopy.
Civil marriage only, or also those officiated by non-Orthodox rabbis?
The state’s only role insofar as marriages are concerned should be to register them, not to decide what sort of rabbi, or if any rabbi at all, needs to conduct the ceremony. But to get there, we need to start with small steps, and this government is taking them. As long as the haredim remain in the opposition, our chances are good.
Also regarding haredim in the army? The legislation being proposed drastically reduces the number of ultra-Orthodox to be drafted compared to the original bill.
The principle is simple, finding the proper formula to ensure they share the burden of defending this country while also integrating into the workforce. To that end, I’ve already prepared legislation that would establish a state-run haredi educational framework to include core subjects essential for productive employment. The economic fallout of not integrating the haredim into the labor market is catastrophic and we need to take the first steps toward making this happen now.
Another matter the haredim are resisting: implementing the agreement regarding pluralistic prayer at the Kotel.
That should have happened a long time ago, and every day of delay is an embarrassment. Once the budget is approved, I’m convinced this government will deal with this successfully.
Michal Rozin (Meretz): Separation of religion and state
MK Rozin concurs with Kushnir’s assessment that once the budget is passed, we can expect movement on the issue of the Western Wall. But what she expects to be approved is far less than what she would have liked. As chair of the Knesset Caucus for Freedom of Religion and Pluralistic Jewish Renewal, and a longtime supporter of Women of the Wall, she has had her sights set on much broader reform.
“As far as I’m concerned, the entire Western Wall should be open to all of the streams and to men and women alike. It’s not a synagogue; it’s a national site,” she said. “But we need to consider not only what we’d like, but also what we can achieve.
“This isn’t an easy government. It’s not comprised only of the Center-Left and liberal parties. And it’s going to be difficult to advance things like public transportation on Shabbat and civil marriage. But I do believe we’ll be able to offer some relief from the haredi domination of religious life in this country. That’s already happening in the areas of kashrut and conversion.”
Yet even with this legislation, kashrut will remain exclusively in the hands of the Orthodox.
We are working on exchanging the black kippah [typical of the haredim] with the knitted kippah [worn by the religious Zionists]. People want tradition, but they hate coercion. We’re making things easier for them in areas they care about. Meretz, of course, would like to dismantle the Chief Rabbinate altogether, but if that is not going to happen, at least we can moderate its influence.
The kashrut law, for example, will satisfy a large segment of the population who want to spend Shabbat morning at the beach and then eat in a restaurant where they know the food is kosher. Kahana’s bill will allow for that, doing away with the absurd situation where restaurants have been closed for reasons that had nothing to do with the food. The public wants a more liberal approach, more openness, more choice.
And what does Meretz want?
Ideally, separation of religion and state; not the American model where public funds can’t be used for religious purposes. Here, just like the government builds community centers, cultural venues, sport facilities and zoos, it should also be building synagogues and mikvaot – but open to everyone. But there should be a total disassociation of religion from politics.
There should also be a complete disassociation of laws of personal status and civil law. Everyone has to have the right to marry as they wish. It is absurd that a wedding of any sort that takes place outside of Israel must be registered here, while the same wedding, if it were to take place within the country, is not recognized. It’s not rational. There’s no justification for that.
Will you be able to convince your coalition partners of that?
Even those who understand the logic are going to be hesitant. People are afraid of the breakdown of the status quo and of losing their constituencies. I understand that. We need courageous leadership to make the shift. Am I optimistic that the sort of leadership essential to enacting the necessary reforms will emerge over the next few years? I’m not sure, but Meretz has a work plan, and perhaps we’ll be successful in convincing people logically. Can I guarantee that this will happen? No, but I’m certainly not giving up.
Nachman Shai (Labor): Revitalizing ties with the Diaspora
Progress regarding religious pluralism, touted by Rozin, is also important to Diaspora Affairs Minister Shai – not only for the sake of those living in Israel, but also for our relationship with those overseas. Among his first initiatives upon taking office was establishing a unit for Jewish Renewal, to revitalize ties between Israel and Jews abroad – a challenge, he said, that is among the highest priorities for Israel today.
“There are two issues here. The first is the distancing from Israel, particularly among young American Jews; that is a very serious problem,” he said. “The progressive camp is very critical about things we actually care deeply about in Israel – democracy and human rights. The second is in regard to religious freedom, highlighted by the crisis over the suspension of the Kotel agreement, which has impacted very negatively on the relationship between Israel and the largest denominations in American Jewry.
“It is time to get back on track, to deal with both challenges, to open a dialogue, to counter this detachment from Israel and Zionism, in order not to forfeit the next generation.”
If repairing the damage to Israel-Diaspora relations is indeed of such consequence, and if the suspension of the Western Wall agreement was a major factor in causing the harm, why haven’t we seen any movement in regard to its implementation?
I’ve actually submitted a government resolution that would return us to the original Western Wall arrangement, without changing a single word. The prime minister understands very well the need for doing this, how important it is for American Jewry – particularly for the Reform and Conservative movements – and he’s personally a strong supporter of the initial agreement, but first he needs to pass the state budget. After that, I believe it will be among his top priorities.
And within the coalition, do you anticipate any objections?
I’ve talked with most of the government ministers. We’re in a good place.
But as critical as resolving the matter of the Western Wall is, it’s essentially of symbolic importance. Do you see this government passing legislation that will equalize the standing of the non-Orthodox streams in Israel?
I don’t see that happening any time soon. Personally, I’m very much in favor, and we should be moving in that direction with civil marriage too, but we have to work very carefully, taking one step at a time. These are delicate political issues.
In the meantime, what can we expect from the unit for Jewish Renewal that might ameliorate some of the deterioration in our ties with Diaspora Jewry?
Right now, we’re engaged in serious mapping of the field, meeting with a wide array of organizations that work in this area, listening to their requests, gathering ideas and building a mechanism for implementing projects. All the funds will be spent in Israel, promoting religious pluralism. But we’re not going to dictate how best to do this.
Those active in this realm will assist us in determining that. But there’s no reason whatsoever for the government to be helping the Orthodox while other denominations are ignored. I hope the budget we’ve been allocated will compensate just a bit for all the years when that was the case.
What about plans to engage with other Jewish communities around the world, like the Abayudaya of Uganda, that Israel refuses to recognize, or the dozens of emerging communities who want to engage with us. Do you see your ministry getting involved with them?
This is an important issue I intend to delve into. I’ll get there. It’s on my agenda.
Zvi Hauser (New Hope): Forging ties with communities with an affinity to the Jewish people
The emerging communities I mentioned to Shai are the subject of a 66-page report issued by the Diaspora Affairs Ministry in 2017. Its surprising conclusion is that there are some 35 million people around the world with an affinity to the Jewish people, either by blood or aspiration, and it challenges conventional thinking regarding boundaries and belonging.
The report bemoaned the lack of government policy in the matter, warning that “the disregard and continued inaction vis-à-vis these communities may have devastating consequences for the future of Israel and the Jewish people,” expressing concern that failure to reckon with the phenomenon could result in “the creation of parallel communities which will be recognized in various countries as Jewish but will have no relation to the Jewish people or the State of Israel.”
The researchers urged a proactive response, including the establishment of “a national authority to tackle this issue“ and, in the meantime, “enable ongoing engagement with this new and evolving reality” that would create channels of dialogue with these communities, initiate programs to bring their leadership to Israel and expand criteria for acceptance to government-sponsored Israel programs enabling their youth to participate in them.
Hauser was among the prominent public figures who authored the report. Today he is an MK in the New Hope Party, and for him, the “Jewish question” is as much about this issue as it is about traditional matters of religion and state.
Now, as then, he believes passionately in the need to cultivate connections with those who feel themselves tied to us. “These communities are a strategic asset of the highest order,” he asserted.
“There are millions of them with the potential to influence millions more, yet we are ignoring them,” he lamented. “Any other country would jump at the opportunity to nurture a relationship with such a population.”
Instead, he said, even the few who are aware of the phenomenon view it as a mere curiosity, and exhibit no real interest in exploring it. “I’m not talking about the gates of acceptance into Israel or the Jewish people. Those I put to the side. The immediate objective has to be to harness these people as influencers for the good of the country.”
But it’s precisely those gates that frighten the bodies you’d like to see fostering these relationships. From my experience as deputy chair of the Jewish Agency executive, mere mention of the report conjures up fears of our being caught completely unprepared to manage an imagined flood of requests to move to Israel.
Because of that fear we’re not prepared to deal with this trend, which is only going to grow, with or without us. We have to adopt a strategy that sees this development not as a threat, but an opportunity. Those who feel this affinity are going to express it in ways that need to interest us. Jewish law aside, those who insist they have Jewish genes are going to be inclined to engage with Israel and the Jewish people. We need to take advantage of that, for our own good.
Yet the Interior Ministry refuses to acknowledge even those communities the Jewish Agency has formally recognized as Jewish, like the Abayudaya of Uganda. Do you foresee a change now that Shas is no longer in control?
The Interior Minister needs to see the broader picture. I wasn’t satisfied with how [Shas leader Arye] Deri handled things, applying a narrow view to matters under his jurisdiction. Things need to change.
I’ve raised the matter with your coalition partners. It’s not even on their radar screens.
No. But we can’t go on with business as usual, as if these people don’t exist. We need to ignite the conversation, ignite the imagination. There’s an historic opportunity here and it’s our responsibility to embrace it.
Are you optimistic? Does New Hope have a message of hope for those being ignored by Israel, for the disenfranchised, for the non-Orthodox who feel themselves second-class Jews?
The state must belong, in the most profound way, to the entirety of the Jewish people as equals, including all streams of Judaism. This is integral to Israel’s mission, its epic aspirations and its day-to-day practicalities. We’re working toward that, translating lofty ideals to the complexities of sovereignty. This is at the heart of the Zionist idea.
‘After the budget’
A common refrain throughout these conversations was: only after the budget is approved would the public be able to judge the success of this “government of change” in legislating significant religion and state reforms that impact our lives here, and the degree to which Jews abroad will relate to Israel as truly being the nation-state of the entire Jewish people.
In the meantime, these ministers and MKs are proud of the benefits their fragile partnership had already yielded, and are generally optimistic about future progress that will make Israeli society more agreeably Jewish.
It was also clear, though, that each Knesset faction has its unique conception of an ideal Israel. Navigating a path that would give expression to the parties’ commonalities, without treading on their distinctive visions, is just one more challenge this accidental government must face. The voters’ evaluation of its success will depend not only on what actually happens, but also on their own notion of what it means for Israel to be a Jewish state.
The writer recently completed a term as deputy chairman of The Jewish Agency Executive, during which he engaged extensively in matters relating to issues of religion and state, Jewish pluralism, and Israel-Diaspora relations.
https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/politics-and-diplomacy/religious-reform-government-coalition-members-weigh-in-684036
以色列需要“為戰爭做好準備”，以色列國防軍軍官說隨著大規模演習的結束
在 5 月加沙行動之後，數千名士兵、預備役人員和政府官員進行了為期一周的演習。
作者：安娜·阿羅海姆
2021 年 11 月 4 日 17:33
參加以色列國防軍大規模國土司令部和國家應急管理局 (RAHEL) 演習的士兵
（圖片來源：以色列國防軍發言人單位）
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隨著以色列國防軍模擬與伊朗和黎巴嫩真主黨恐怖組織的大規模衝突的大規模國內陣線指揮和國家緊急事務局 (RAHEL) 演習接近尾聲，官員警告說，公民和士兵都需要做好應對任何類型的準備緊急擊中主場。
“前線需要準備好，我們也是。無論何時發生什麼事，我們都需要做好準備：公民和軍隊，”北方司令部訓練官亞尼夫弗里德曼中校說。
與國內陣線司令部和 RAHEL 一起，所有安全和各種政府機構，以及以色列警察和紅大衛盾會，都參加了周三晚上結束的演習。
弗里德曼說：“隨著時間的推移，演習變得越來越複雜，就像我們預計戰爭會變成那樣。” “我們知道，為了保護以色列國，不僅有士兵，還有預備役人員需要訓練。”
國土前線司令部負責使用警報器和應用程序推送通知，提醒公眾注意以色列敵人發射的任何火箭。
參加以色列國防軍大規模國土司令部和國家應急管理局 (RAHEL) 演習的士兵（圖片來源：以色列國防軍發言人單位）
5 月，哈馬斯和巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織向以色列發射了 4,000 多枚火箭和其他射彈。一名士兵和十二名以色列公民被殺。
如果與真主黨爆發戰爭，預計將從黎巴嫩發射數万枚火箭彈，每天向以色列發射約 2,000 枚火箭彈。
為期一周的演習有數千名士兵、預備役人員和政府官員參加，這是在軍方從 5 月以色列與加沙地帶恐怖組織之間的戰鬥中學習之後進行的。
弗里德曼說：“國土前線司令部製定了規定，你需要對人員和系統本身進行培訓，以確保他們在緊急情況下能夠正常工作。”
演習包括模擬來自北方、南方和東方的導彈襲擊；與以色列境內的種族騷亂作鬥爭；以及對可能擾亂生活的重要基礎設施（例如發電站、醫院或水源）的廣泛網絡攻擊。
由於預計將向邊境社區發射大量彈丸，且持續缺乏足夠的防空洞，演習還重點疏散5公里範圍內的社區居民。黎巴嫩邊境，並將這些人吸收到全國其他地方。
疏散是在敵人火力下模擬的。
中校 該司令部南部分部的負責人薩吉·巴魯克 (Sagi Baruch) 表示，這次“重大”演習挑戰了所有參與該國在戰時將面臨的多種情景的人員。
“在戰時疏散平民是一個非常複雜的場景，”他說，並補充說，每個社區都知道他們將被疏散到哪裡，無論是在該國的中部還是南部。
“挑戰來自北方，但我們預計，當北方發生某些事情時，南方的恐怖組織也想挑戰以色列，同時平民地區發生暴力事件，例如道路騷亂和混合城市中的其他挑戰，”巴魯克說。 .
“我們正在尋找所有機構是否以及如何共同努力提供正確答案。”
國土前線司令部成立於第一次海灣戰爭後的 1992 年，負責民防，並負責在發生自然或人為的衝突或災難時為國家做好準備。
該司令部因其在 2006 年與真主黨的戰爭中的反應而受到批評，這場戰爭殺死了 160 多名以色列人。此後，它加強了單位，其聯絡單位活躍在全國數百個直轄市。
Israel needs to 'be ready' for war, IDF officer says as large-scale drill ends
The week-long drill with thousands of troops, reservists and government officials comes on the heels of the May operation in Gaza.
By ANNA AHRONHEIM
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 17:33
Soldiers participating in the IDF’s large-scale Homefront Command and National Emergency Authority (RAHEL) drill
(photo credit: IDF SPOKESPERSON'S UNIT)
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As the IDF’s large-scale Home Front Command and National Emergency Authority (RAHEL) drill simulating a large-scale conflict with Iran and the Lebanese Hezbollah terrorist group comes to a close, officers warn that both citizens and soldiers need to be ready for any type of emergency to hit the home front.
“The home front needs to be ready, and so do we. Whenever something should happen we all need to be ready: the citizens and the army,” said Northern Command training officer Lt.-Col Yaniv Friedman.
Along with the Home Front Command and RAHEL, all security and various governmental bodies, as well as Israel Police and Magen David Adom, participated in the drill that ended on Wednesday night.
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“The drill became more complicated as days went on, just like we expect war to become,” Friedman said. “We know that there are not only soldiers but also reservists who need to be drilled in order to protect the State of Israel.”
It is the Home Front Command which is responsible for alerting the public of any rockets that have been fired from Israel’s enemies, using sirens and push notifications from their app.
Soldiers participating in the IDF’s large-scale Homefront Command and National Emergency Authority (RAHEL) drill (credit: IDF SPOKESPERSON'S UNIT)
In May, over 4,000 rockets and other projectiles were fired into Israel by Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad. A soldier and twelve Israeli citizens were killed.
Should a war break out with Hezbollah, tens of thousands of rockets are expected to be fired from Lebanon, with some 2,000 fired toward Israel every day.
The week-long drill with thousands of troops, reservists and government officials comes on the heels of the military learning from the May fighting between Israel and terror groups in the Gaza Strip.
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“There are set regulations in the Home Front Command, and you need to train the people and the systems themselves to make sure that they work when needed in an emergency,” Friedman said.
The drill included a simulation of missile attacks from the north, south and the east; contending with racial riots within Israel; and widespread cyberattacks on vital infrastructure such as power stations, hospitals or water that could disrupt life.
Due to the large number of projectiles expected to be fired towards border communities and the continued lack of adequate bomb shelters, the drill also focused on the evacuation of residents of communities that are within 5 km. of the Lebanese border and the absorption of those individuals in other locations across the country.
The evacuations were simulated while under enemy fire.
Lt.-Col. Sagi Baruch, who heads the command’s southern branch, said that the “significant” drill challenged all those taking part in a number of scenarios that the country will face, both in the North and South during wartime.
“Evacuating civilians during wartime is a very complicated scenario,” he said, adding that every community knows where it will be evacuated to, be it in the center or south of the country.
“The challenge is the North, but we expect that terror groups in the South will also want to challenge Israel when something happens in the North, along with violence in civilian areas such as riots on roads and other challenges in mixed cities,” Baruch said.
“We are looking to see if and how all the bodies can work together to provide the right answer.”
Formed in 1992 after the first Gulf War, the Home Front Command is in charge of civil defense and is responsible for readying the country in case of conflict or disaster, whether natural or man-made.
The command was criticized for its response during the 2006 war with Hezbollah, which killed more than 160 Israelis. Since then, it has strengthened its units, and its liaison units are active in hundreds of municipalities across the country.
Yair Lapid 是國家預算的大贏家——分析
預算案的通過使拉皮德朝著成為首相的目標邁進了一大步。
通過GIL HOFFMAN
2021 年 11 月 4 日 22:13
以色列外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德 (Yair Lapid) 於 2021 年 11 月 3 日在耶路撒冷以色列議會大會堂舉行的全體會議和國家預算投票中發表講話。
（照片來源：OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90）
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當以色列議會副議長艾坦·金茨堡宣布2021 年的國家預算已經通過時，候補總理亞伊爾·拉皮德（Yair Lapid）從自拍中迅速休息了一下，高興和欣慰地在桌子上拍了三下。
拉皮德隨後發表聲明稱，財政部長阿維格多·利伯曼、總理納夫塔利·貝內特、以色列議會澤夫·埃爾金的部長級聯絡人、聯盟主席伊迪特·西爾曼和拉皮德所在政黨的副手博阿茲·托波羅夫斯基。在前一天晚上的演講中，拉皮德甚至讚揚了反對派。
“有時，即使在這座大樓裡，也有必要認識到，每次一方獲勝，並不表示另一方輸了，”他寫道。“有時我們一起輸，有時我們一起贏。這個預算是雙贏的。”
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為勝利傳播榮譽可以使一個人在大多數運動中成為優秀的團隊合作者。但不是在拉皮德最喜歡的運動拳擊中。在拳擊比賽中，通常會有一個贏家和一個輸家，這實際上就是周四早上在以色列議會投票時發生的情況。
投票中有一個無可置疑的勝利者，那就是拉皮德本人。
2021 年 11 月 3 日，國防部長本尼·甘茨、外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德、總理納夫塔利·貝內特和司法部長吉迪恩·薩爾在 2021 年國家預算投票中（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST）
根據聯盟協議，既然預算已經通過，如果在剩餘任期內開始選舉，看守總理將是拉皮德。如果預算沒有通過，2 月的選舉將在 11 月 14 日開始，看守和現任總理將是貝內特。
預算案的通過使拉皮德朝著成為首相的目標邁進了一大步。現在阻止他的唯一方法是現任以色列議會的叛亂，這將破壞聯盟協議，並導致在輪換定於 2023 年 8 月 27 日舉行之前，無需參加選舉就組建另一個政府。
現在，每一個與拉皮德會面的外國領導人都知道，他們不僅會見了建立政府並驅逐本雅明內塔尼亞胡的權力掮客，還會見了其明顯的總理繼承人。
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預算的勝利者不是貝內特，他在 6 月份成為總理時就已經獲勝。不是司法部長 Gideon Sa'ar 在推特上說預算的通過給了以色列“新希望”，並寫道這證明他的政黨以這個名字成立是合理的。
獲勝者絕對不是國防部長本尼·甘茨，儘管他試圖在投票開始前幾個小時親自上陣。
“我認為預算的通過對我來說是個人的勝利，是藍白人和整個以色列社會反對阻止以色列公民獲得預算的人的勝利，”他在以色列議會中告訴他的派系。
投票顯然對甘茨來說是苦樂參半，如果內塔尼亞胡沒有破壞他們的交易並發起選舉，拉皮德將在兩週內成為總理，拉皮德在甘茨擔任同一頭銜時一再嘲笑拉皮德的候補總理頭銜。
不合群的拉皮德和甘茨在馬拉松式的投票過程中，幾個小時坐在一起，幾乎沒有說話。
不過，如果只有一個失敗者，那就必須是內塔尼亞胡，他現在將更難重新掌權。
每個人都會記得，他阻止預算的通過是因為他的批評者說他是出於個人原因。
當輪換臨近並且利庫德集團需要阻止拉皮德成為總理時，該黨可以決定離開內塔尼亞胡並讓其他人參與進來。
Yair Lapid is the big winner of the state budget - analysis
The passage of the budget brings Lapid a large step forward to his goal of becoming prime minister.
By GIL HOFFMAN
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 22:13
Israeli minister of Foreign Affairs Yair Lapid speeks during a plenum session and a vote on the state budget at the assembly hall of the Israeli parliament, in Jerusalem on November 3, 2021.
(photo credit: OLIVIER FITOUSSI/FLASH90)
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When deputy Knesset Speaker Eitan Ginzburg announced that the state budget for 2021 had passed, Alternate Prime Minister Yair Lapid took a quick break from taking selfies and pounded on the table three times in joy and relief.
Lapid then released a statement in which he credited Finance Minister Avigdor Liberman, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, the ministerial liaison to the Knesset Ze’ev Elkin, Coalition Chairwoman Idit Silman and her deputy from Lapid’s party, Boaz Toporovsky. In his speech the night before, Lapid even credited the opposition.
“Sometimes, even in this building, it is necessary to recognize that every time one side wins, it is not a sign that the other lost,” he wrote. “Sometimes we lose together, sometimes we win together. This budget is a mutual win.”
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Spreading credit for a victory makes one a good team player in most sports. But not in Lapid’s favorite sport, which is boxing. In boxing, there is often one winner and one loser, and that is actually what happened in Thursday morning’s vote in the Knesset.
There was one unquestionable victor in the vote, and it is Lapid himself.
Defense Minister Benny Gantz, Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Justice Minister Gideon Sa'ar at the vote for the 2021 State Budget, November 3, 2021 (credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)
According to the coalition agreement, now that a budget has been passed, if elections are initiated for the remainder of the term, the caretaker prime minister will be Lapid. Had the budget not passed and February elections would have been initiated on November 14, the caretaker and incumbent prime minister would have been Bennett.
The passage of the budget brings Lapid a large step forward to his goal of becoming prime minister. The only way to stop him now is a rebellion in the current Knesset that would break the coalition agreement and result in another government being formed without going to elections before the rotation is set to take place on August 27, 2023.
Every foreign leader who meets Lapid now knows they are meeting with not only the power broker who built the government and ousted Benjamin Netanyahu, but also with the heir apparent prime minister.
The budget’s victor is not Bennett, who already won when he became prime minister in June. It’s not Justice Minister Gideon Sa’ar, who tweeted that the passage of the budget gives Israel “New Hope” and wrote that it justified the formation of his party with that name.
And the winner is definitely not Defense Minister Benny Gantz, despite his attempt to take the mantle for himself hours before the voting began.
“I see the passage of the budget as a personal victory for me, a victory for Blue and White and for Israeli society as a whole against those who prevented the citizens of Israel from having a budget,” he told his faction in the Knesset.
The vote was obviously bittersweet for Gantz, who would have become prime minister in two weeks had Netanyahu not broken their deal and initiated an election that gave Lapid the alternate prime minister title that Lapid repeatedly mocked when Gantz held the same title.
Lapid and Gantz, who do not get along, sat next to each other for hours and hours during the marathon voting, barely speaking at all.
If there is only one loser though, it has to be Netanyahu, who now will have a harder time coming back to power.
Everyone will remember that he stopped the passage of the budget for what his critics said were his own personal reasons.
And when the rotation approaches and it becomes time for Likud to stop Lapid from becoming prime minister, the party could decide to depart from Netanyahu and throw someone else in the ring.
以色列的國家預算：主要改革有哪些？
預算包括進口、kashrut、官僚主義、交通基礎設施、婦女退休年齡和銀行業等方面的數十項新舉措和改革。
由ZEV 存根
2021 年 11 月 4 日 17:00
耶路撒冷的議會大樓擁有世界上最小的立法機構之一。
（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/耶路撒冷郵報）
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隨著周四國家預算和經濟安排法(EAL)的批准，以色列開始了廣泛的經濟改革，這將影響到社會的幾乎每個部分。
財政部長阿維格多·利伯曼 (Avigdor Liberman) 將其描述為以色列有史以來最具社會性的預算，其中包括在進口、伊斯蘭教法、官僚主義、交通基礎設施、女性退休年齡和銀行業等方面的數十項新舉措和改革。
“這些改革表達了以色列國整個經濟計劃背後的願景，因為沒有願景，一個國家就會失去克制，”利伯曼在 EAL 批准後引用箴言說。
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即將生效的改革包括：
進口：改革將減輕進口商的監管和官僚負擔，以降低生活成本。
以色列貨幣的說明照片（來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM）
根據新立法，已獲准在發達國家使用的產品將不再需要由以色列標準機構再次檢查，從而可以以更低的價格獲得數以萬計的食品和消費品。財政部表示，這項改革預計每年可為公眾節省約 80 億新謝克爾，但進口商如何以及是否將這些節省的資金轉嫁給消費者仍有待觀察。
Kashrut：目前，kashrut 系統是由首席拉比控制的壟斷。改革建議向競爭開放猶太認證市場，以便私人組織也可以授權 kashrut。預計這將降低企業和製造商的成本並提高消費者的服務水平。
監管：將創建一個長期系統，以減輕企業過度的監管負擔，並通過監督新程序的機構促進智能監管。該計劃將鼓勵商業部門的增長，預計十年內將轉化為約 750 億新謝克爾，即人均 GDP 增長 6%。
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女性退休年齡：以色列的女性退休年齡目前為 62 歲，是世界上最低的年齡之一。經合組織的平均值為 65.8。退休年齡將在 11 年內逐步提高到 65 歲，並分配大量預算來幫助接近該年齡的女性。男性的退休年齡為 67 歲，將保持不變。
銀行業：開放銀行改革將使銀行業更加透明，並使以色列人能夠比較不同金融服務的成本，最早將於 2022 年 6 月生效。新法律將要求金融實體能夠向客戶展示什麼他們消費的金融服務、支付的金額以及如果他們轉向其他提供商可以節省多少。
交通：由於工作和休閒時間的損失、道路事故和污染，以色列道路的擁堵程度每年給經濟造成約 400 億新謝克爾的損失。財政部表示，對駛入特拉維夫都會區徵收擁堵費將有助於減少交通並籌集約 27 億新謝克爾，用於資助更多的道路升級和建設快車道。新的停車政策還將允許地方當局根據需求調整停車價格。
此外，一項耗資 1500 億新謝克爾的大規模計劃建造一條穿過該中心的新地鐵列車，預計將在新謝克爾 26b.-新謝克爾 34b 之間挽救經濟。每年，財政部說。施工將在 2025 年左右開始，並且可能只能在 2032 年之前完成，從而中斷交通多年。
住房：作為政府遏制房價上漲的多管齊下計劃的一部分，部分寫字樓將改建為公寓、宿舍和長租住房，目標是為市場增加數千套短期住房.
另一個項目將通過創造稅收激勵措施來鼓勵投資開發租賃建築項目，從而促進長期租賃項目。許可改革也將更容易獲得建築許可。此外，像多摩38這樣的城市更新計劃將得到地方當局的改進和推動，每年增加約4,500個項目。
阿拉伯部門：一些 NIS 30b。將在五年內分配用於改善阿拉伯部門的條件，包括對教育和基礎設施的投資。
綠色能源：立法修正案將鼓勵使用電動汽車並消除發展可再生能源發電站的障礙。
補充收入：老年人的養老金每月可增加 473 至 481 新謝克爾，使他們達到最低工資的 70% 以內。夫妻的福利每月將在 NIS 745 和 NIA 761 之間增加，因此他們的總福利將至少為每月 5,865 新謝克爾。殘疾福利也將增加，為無行為能力的人提供額外的 NIS 379。
現金使用：為了打擊洗錢和逃稅，現在向企業支付的現金不得超過 6,000 新謝克爾，而不是以前的 11,000 新謝克爾，個人之間的現金交易上限為 15,000 新謝克爾，而不是 50,000 新謝克爾。從私人購買汽車的人最多可以轉帳 50,000 新謝克爾的現金。
商業許可流程將得到簡化，日託中心的要求也將得到簡化。
養老基金將通過國家發行的安全網得到加強，保證每年 5.15% 的回報。
之前包含在 EAL 中的兩項立法，即含糖飲料稅和一次性餐具稅，被取消並獲得獨立批准。
Israel's state budget: What are the main reforms?
The budget includes dozens of new initiatives and reforms in imports, kashrut, bureaucracy, transportation infrastructure, retirement age for women and banking, among others.
By ZEV STUB
NOVEMBER 4, 2021 17:00
THE KNESSET building in Jerusalem holds one of the world’s smallest legislatures.
(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)
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With the approval on Thursday of the state budget and Economic Arrangements Law (EAL), Israel embarks on a wide range of economic reforms that will affect almost every part of society.
Described by Finance Minister Avigdor Liberman as Israel’s most social budget ever, it includes dozens of new initiatives and reforms in imports, kashrut, bureaucracy, transportation infrastructure, retirement age for women and banking, among others.
“These reforms express the vision that underlies the entire economic plan of the State of Israel, for without a vision, a nation loses restraint,” Liberman said, quoting the Book of Proverbs, following the approval of the EAL.
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Among the reforms that will go into effect are:
Imports: The reform will reduce the regulatory and bureaucratic burden placed on importers in order to reduce the cost of living.
Illustrative photo of Israeli money (credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)
Under the new legislation, products that have been authorized for use in developed countries will no longer have to be inspected again by Israeli standards authorities, allowing tens of thousands of food and consumer items to be available at lower prices. This reform is expected to save the public about NIS 8 billion a year, the Finance Ministry said, although it remains to be seen how and whether importers will pass those savings on to consumers.
Kashrut: Currently, the kashrut system is a monopoly controlled by the Chief Rabbinate. The reform proposes opening up the kosher certification market to competition so that private organizations can also authorize kashrut. This is expected to reduce costs for businesses and manufacturers and raise the level of service for consumers.
Regulation: A long-term system will be created to reduce excessive regulatory burdens on businesses and to promote smart regulation through an authority that will oversee new procedures. The plan will encourage growth in the business sector that is predicted to translate to about NIS 75 billion over a decade, or a 6% growth in GDP per capita.
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Retirement age for women: Israel’s retirement age for women, currently at 62, is one of the lowest in the world. The OECD average is 65.8. The retirement age will be raised to 65 gradually, over 11 years, with a significant budget allotted to help women nearing that age. The retirement age for men, 67, will remain the same.
Banking: The open banking reform, which will make the banking sector more transparent and enable Israelis to compare costs of different financial services, will come into effect as early as June 2022. The new law will require financial entities to be able to show clients what financial services they consume, how much they pay and how much they could save if they switch to another provider.
Transportation: The level of congestion on the roads in Israel costs the economy approximately NIS 40 billion per year due to loss of work and leisure hours, road accidents and pollution. A congestion charge for driving into the Tel Aviv metropolitan zone will help reduce traffic and raise about NIS 2.7 billion to be used toward financing more road upgrades and building fast lanes, the Finance Ministry said. New parking policies will also allow local authorities to adjust parking prices according to demand.
In addition, a massive NIS 150 billion plan to build a new metro train through the center is predicted to save the economy between NIS 26b.-NIS 34b. per year, the Finance Ministry said. Construction would begin around 2025 and may only be completed before 2032, disrupting traffic for years.
Housing: As part of the government’s multi-pronged plan to rein in soaring housing prices, some office space will be converted to apartments, dormitories and long-term rental housing, with the goal of adding thousands of short-term housing units to the market.
Another project will promote long-term rental projects by creating tax incentives to encourage investment in developing rental building projects. A licensing reform will also make it easier to get building permits. In addition, urban renewal plans like Tama 38 will be improved and promoted by local authorities, leading to an addition of about 4,500 projects per year.
Arab sector: Some NIS 30b. will be allocated over five years to improve conditions in the Arab sector, including investment in education and infrastructure.
Green energy: Legislative amendments will encourage the use of electric vehicles and remove barriers to developing renewable energy power stations.
Supplemental income: Senior citizens will be entitled to an increase of between NIS 473 and NIS 481 per month in their pension payments, bringing them to within 70% of the minimum wage. Couples’ benefits will be increased between NIS 745 and NIA 761 per month, so that their total benefit will be at least NIS 5,865 per month. Disability benefits will also be increased, with an additional NIS 379 for incapacitated people.
Cash usage: To fight money laundering and tax evasion, cash payments to businesses can now be no larger than NIS 6,000, instead of NIS 11,000 previously, and cash transactions between individuals are capped at NIS 15,000 instead of NIS 50,000. People buying cars from private individuals can transfer up to NIS 50,000 in cash.
Business licensing processes will be streamlined, as will requirements for daycare centers.
Pension funds will be strengthened through a state-issued safety net guaranteeing returns of 5.15% per annum.
Two pieces of legislation that were previously included in the EAL, taxes on sugary drinks and on disposable utensils, were taken out and were approved independently.
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