2021.09.14 國際新聞導讀-以色列總理班耐特訪問埃及開羅與塞西總統討論地區諸般事務、迦薩地區衝突恐將永遠持續下去、土耳其試圖改善與周邊國家關係、以色列試圖剝離猶太教教法與國家間的關係並改善與國外猶太人的關係、黎巴嫩真主黨從伊朗訂購的油品抵達敘利亞港口、以色列IAI自主戰場機器人使用的顧慮

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2021.09.14 國際新聞導讀-以色列總理班耐特訪問埃及開羅與塞西總統討論地區諸般事務、迦薩地區衝突恐將永遠持續下去、土耳其試圖改善與周邊國家關係、以色列試圖剝離猶太教教法與國家間的關係並改善與國外猶太人的關係、黎巴嫩真主黨從伊朗訂購的油品抵達敘利亞港口、以色列IAI自主戰場機器人使用的顧慮
貝內特和塞西罕見會晤哈馬斯和伊朗威脅
貝內特是以色列總理十年來首次訪問埃及。
作者：托瓦·拉扎羅夫
2021 年 9 月 13 日 22:51
2021 年 9 月 13 日，總理納夫塔利·貝內特 (Naftali Bennett) 和埃及總統阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·塞西 (Abdel Fattah al-Sisi)。
（照片來源：KOBI GIDEON/GPO）
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當納夫塔利·貝內特總理在沙姆沙伊赫會見埃及總統阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·塞西時，解除哈馬斯的武裝、遣返人質和阻止伊朗的侵略是議程的重要內容，這是十年來第一次這樣的談判。
“這是一次非常重要和良好的會議，”貝內特在周一晚些時候結束為期一天的旅行返回以色列之前說道。“首先，我們為未來建立深厚的聯繫奠定了基礎。”
貝內特是自他的前任本雅明·內塔尼亞胡於2011年在西奈半島南端的同一個紅海度假勝地會見埃及前總統胡斯尼·穆巴拉克以來，首位公開訪問埃及的以色列總理。
2021 年 9 月 13 日，由總理納夫塔利·貝內特和埃及總統阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·塞西主持的埃及-以色列會議。（圖片來源：KOBI GIDEON/GPO）
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當時會議上只有一面旗幟，埃及一面。這一次，以色列和埃及領導人坐在兩國國旗旁邊。
貝內特的辦公室還發布了一段在會場旁邊懸掛埃及和以色列國旗的視頻。
在一次以色列高層會議上，埃及的舒適度不尋常的展示，塞西的辦公室宣布貝內特出席沙姆沙伊赫，而不是離開以色列宣傳這一事件。
以色列於 1979 年與埃及簽署和平條約，但一直是冷和平，儘管開羅一直是這個猶太國家的重要戰略夥伴。
Bennett-Sisi 談判發生在加沙邊界沿線的暴力爆發以及約旦河西岸和耶路撒冷中央汽車站附近的恐怖襲擊激增之際，兩名以色列人在那裡受傷。
自 5 月為期 11 天的以色列國防軍與哈馬斯戰爭結束以來，塞西一直試圖促成長期休戰。
這些努力本週似乎步履蹣跚，因為加沙的巴勒斯坦人向以色列南部發射了火箭，但都沒有造成損害或傷害。
以色列希望確保任何交易都包括歸還在 2014 年加沙戰爭中喪生的兩名士兵的遺體，以及歸還在哈馬斯統治的飛地中被扣為人質的兩名以色列平民。
據外交消息人士透露，貝內特和塞西討論了人質的返回以及防止加沙再次爆發的重要性。
他們還討論了削弱哈馬斯恐怖組織的方法——包括通過埃及在拉法與加沙過境點進行監督，以防止可用於軍事目的的材料流動。目前對該過境點沒有任何監督，與以色列和加沙之間的兩個主要過境點相比，該過境點被認為是次要過境點。
著眼於更大的地區，兩人談到了防止伊朗核化的方法以及阻止該國地區侵略的必要性。
他們討論了土耳其在利比亞的活動以及埃及和埃塞俄比亞之間的危機。
此外，貝內特和塞西談到擴大雙邊貿易和旅遊。
“我們討論了外交、安全和經濟領域的一系列問題，以及深化兩國關係和加强两國利益的方法，”貝內特說。
他感謝塞西在埃及發揮的重要區域作用。
“以色列越來越向該地區國家開放，這種長期承認的基礎是以色列和埃及之間的和平，”貝內特說。“因此，我們雙方都必須投資加強這種聯繫——我們今天已經這樣做了。”
貝內特在講話中沒有提到巴勒斯坦人。自 5 月上任以來，他已澄清不打算與巴勒斯坦人進行和平進程，也不打算與巴勒斯坦民族權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯進行談判。美國總統喬拜登也沒有宣布任何和平進程計劃。
塞西希望看到自 2014 年以來一直被凍結的以色列和巴勒斯坦人之間的和平進程恢復。
據塞西辦公室稱，埃及總統向貝內特提出了此事。塞西談到他支持基於 1967 年之前的路線的兩國解決方案。
Bennett 與國家安全顧問 Eyal Hulta、軍事秘書 Brig.-Gen 一起旅行。Avi Gil 和外交政策顧問 Shimrit Meir。
埃及外交部長薩梅赫·舒克里和埃及情報部長阿巴斯·卡邁勒首先接見了總理。
然後他和塞西私下會面了三個小時，在翻譯的幫助下交談：貝內特用希伯來語和塞西用阿拉伯語交談。還與以色列代表團和埃及外交官共進午餐。
這次旅行似乎促進了兩國之間的交通聯繫。
以色列交通部表示，隨著在冠狀病毒大流行期間實施的限制解除，以色列和西奈半島之間的塔巴過境點是以色列遊客的入境點，從周一開始全面運營。
埃及國家航空公司的消息人士稱，從 10 月起，埃及航空公司將開始每週在開羅和特拉維夫之間運營幾趟航班。
Bennett and Sisi talk Hamas, Iranian threats in rare meeting
Bennett's was the first Israeli prime ministerial visit to Egypt in a decade.
By TOVAH LAZAROFF
SEPTEMBER 13, 2021 22:51
Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Egyptian president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on September 13, 2021.
(photo credit: KOBI GIDEON/GPO)
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Disarming Hamas, the return of the hostages and halting Iranian aggression were high on the agenda when Prime Minister Naftali Bennett met with Egyptian President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi in Sharm e-Sheikh, in the first such parley in a decade.
“It was a very important and good meeting,” Bennett said before his return to Israel from the one-day trip late Monday. “First and foremost, we created a foundation for deep ties in the future.”
Bennett was the first Israeli prime minister to publicly visit Egypt since his predecessor Benjamin Netanyahu met with former Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak in 2011 in the same Red Sea resort on the southern tip of the Sinai Peninsula.
The Egypt-Israel meeting, led by Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Egyptian president Abdel Fattah al-Sisi on September 13, 2021. (credit: KOBI GIDEON/GPO)
Back then there was only one flag at the meeting, the Egyptian one. This time, the Israeli and Egyptian leaders sat next to flags from both countries.
Bennett’s office also released a video of the hoisting of the Egyptian and Israeli flags next to the meeting venue.
In an unusual show of Egyptian comfort level with an Israeli high-level meeting, Sisi’s office announced Bennett’s presence in Sharm e-Sheikh, rather than leaving Israel to publicize the event.
Israel signed a peace treaty with Egypt in 1979, but it has been a cold peace, even though Cairo has been an important strategic partner for the Jewish state.
The Bennett-Sisi parley took place amid violent outbreaks along the Gaza border and a spike in terrorist attacks in the West Bank and in Jerusalem near the Central Bus station, where two Israelis were injured.
Since the end of the 11-day IDF-Hamas war in May, known as Operation Guardian of the Walls, Sisi has attempted to broker a long-term truce.
Those efforts appeared to be faltering this week as Palestinians in Gaza have launched rockets against southern Israel, none of which have caused damage or injuries.
Israel wants to ensure that any deal includes the return of the remains of two soldiers killed in the 2014 Gaza war, and the return of two Israeli civilians held hostage in the Hamas ruled enclave.
According to a diplomatic source, Bennett and Sisi discussed the return of the hostages and the importance of preventing another Gaza outbreak.
They also discussed ways to weaken the Hamas terrorist group – including via Egyptian supervision at its border crossing with Gaza at Rafah to prevent the flow of material that can be used for military purposes. There is presently no oversight at that crossing, which is considered a minor one compared to the two major crossings between Israel and Gaza.
With an eye toward the larger region, the two men spoke of ways to prevent a nuclear Iran and the need to halt that country’s regional aggression.
They discussed Turkey’s activity in Libya and the crisis between Egypt and Ethiopia.
In addition, Bennett and Sisi spoke of expanding bilateral trade and tourism.
“We discussed a series of issues in the diplomatic, security and economic spheres, as well as ways to deepen ties and strengthen the interests of our countries,” Bennett said.
He thanked Sisi for the important regional role Egypt plays.
“Israel is increasingly opening up to the countries of the region, and the basis of this longstanding recognition is the peace between Israel and Egypt,” Bennett said. “Therefore, on both sides we must invest in strengthening this link – and we have done so today.”
Bennett did not mention the Palestinians in his remarks. Since taking office in May, he has clarified that he does not plan to engage in a peace process with the Palestinians or to negotiate with Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. US President Joe Biden has also not announced any plans for a peace process.
Sisi would like to see the revival of a peace process between Israel and the Palestinians, which has been frozen since 2014.
According to Sisi’s office, the Egyptian president raised the matter with Bennett. Sisi spoke of his support for a two-state solution based on pre-1967 lines.
Bennett traveled with National Security Advisor Eyal Hulta, military secretary Brig.-Gen. Avi Gil and foreign policy adviser Shimrit Meir.
The prime minister was first received by Egyptian Foreign Minister Sameh Shoukry and Egyptian Intelligence Minister Abbas Kamel.
He and Sisi then met privately for three hours, conversing with the help of translators: Bennett spoke in Hebrew and Sisi in Arabic. There was also a joint lunch with the Israeli delegation and Egyptian diplomats.
The trip appeared to give a boost to transportation links between the two countries.
The Taba crossing between Israel and Sinai, an entry point for Israeli tourists, became fully operational starting Monday as restrictions put in place during the coronavirus pandemic were lifted, Israel’s Transportation Ministry said.
From October, Egyptair will begin operating several flights a week between Cairo and Tel Aviv, sources at the Egyptian national carrier said.
Reuters contributed to this report.
加沙問題沒有答案——分析
高級官員已經決定，加沙最好的選擇是忍受一波又一波的暴力衝突。
作者：安娜·阿羅海姆
2021 年 9 月 13 日 20:00
巴勒斯坦人在加沙城以東與以色列的邊界圍欄附近抗議。
（圖片來源：ATIA MOHAMMED/FLASH90）
廣告
這就像一部重複的電影。
另一天，又一輪燃燒氣球和火箭從加沙地帶發射，隨後是以色列的空襲。
但這是居住在沿海飛地周圍的數千名以色列人的現實。
週日，在與該地區接壤的社區發現了燃燒裝置數小時後，一枚火箭從哈馬斯控制的加沙地帶發射。
以色列國防軍以針對四個哈馬斯軍事基地和一個恐怖分子隧道的空襲作為回應。
在空襲之後，更多的火箭被發射到以色列南部。
其中兩枚導彈被鐵穹防空系統攔截。幾名以色列人在逃跑時受傷。
在不到一周的時間裡，從加沙發動了四次導彈襲擊。以色列國防軍像往常一樣做出回應，瞄準哈馬斯的軍事基礎設施。
就像自 5 月的圍牆守護者行動以來的火箭襲擊一樣，沒有任何巴勒斯坦組織對火箭發射負責。
隨著最後兩個逃犯從屬於巴勒斯坦伊斯蘭聖戰組織的吉爾博亞越獄，它更可能聖戰是罪魁禍首。
但哈馬斯是統治加沙地帶的團體——而哈馬斯是付出代價的團體。
2020 年 9 月，哈馬斯領導人 Ismail Haniyeh 在訪問黎巴嫩的 Ain el Hilweh 巴勒斯坦難民營期間被抬著。（圖片來源：AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS）
然而，以色列的戰略存在問題。
儘管軍方和國防機構已經承諾並繼續在口頭上重複“過去是什麼，不再是”，但正在發生的事情似乎更像是“過去是什麼，繼續是”。
以色列國防軍表示，自 5 月衝突以來，襲擊目標的數量和強度有所增加。但在所有的談話中，南部的以色列人繼續奔向他們的防空洞。
本週，它幾乎每晚都在進行。
一名以色列國防軍高級官員最近表示，在加沙問題上只有兩種選擇可以獲勝，而且都不可能發生：推翻哈馬斯並重新佔領加沙地帶，或者推翻哈馬斯並將飛地變成迪拜 2.0。
高級官員已經決定，加沙最好的臨時選擇是忍受一波又一波的暴力衝突，例如圍牆守護者行動。
以色列國防軍錶示，它在 5 月的行動中襲擊了數十個哈馬斯目標，包括武器製造廠和多管火箭發射器，但未能摧毀該組織的火箭庫。
雖然它認為這次行動成功恢復了其在南部的威懾力，但軍方承認，由於缺乏精確情報，只有部分哈馬斯的火箭儲備被擊中，這讓以色列的死敵有充足的機會在未來發射數千枚導彈。 .
或者他們可以一天一天一個一個地被解僱。
7 月，副總理亞伊爾·拉皮德 (Yair Lapid) 以黨的口號為背景向他的以色列議會派係發表講話：“我們來改變了。” （來源：YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90）
週日，外交部長亞伊爾·拉皮德 (Yair Lapid) 表示，高級官員概述的兩個選擇“是兩個糟糕的選擇。這不是我們可以接受的現實。”
他在IDC國際反恐研究所（IDC Herzliya）會議上發表講話時表示，以色列應該在不與哈馬斯談判的情況下推進“經濟安全”的製定。
拉皮德的兩步計劃，他說“將在邊界兩邊創造穩定”，其中充滿了絕不是新的概念，也不是政府的官方政策。
但是“我們不能接受這個現實，”拉皮德說。“以色列國有責任告訴其公民，我們已竭盡全力解決加沙問題。”
以色列軍方雖然明白加沙問題不容忽視，但就好像放棄了打贏的仗，轉而實施報復性打擊，而不是主動出擊。
受這一決定影響最大的是以色列南部社區。
為什麼在這個國家沒有戰爭的時候，他們幾乎每天都要忍受火箭彈的襲擊？
為什麼父母必須把孩子趕到防空洞或讓他們睡在防空洞裡，這樣他們就不需要叫醒他們？
拉皮德明白，以色列國防軍顯然已經放棄了勝利——暫時。
需要另闢蹊徑，否則南方居民將繼續被扣為人質，局勢隨時可能惡化為另一場戰爭。
There's no answer for the Gaza problem - analysis
The best option for Gaza, senior brass have decided, is to live with the waves of violent rounds of conflict.
By ANNA AHRONHEIM
SEPTEMBER 13, 2021 20:00
PALESTINIANS PROTEST near the border fence with Israel east of Gaza City.
(photo credit: ATIA MOHAMMED/FLASH90)
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It’s like a movie on repeat.
Another day, another round of incendiary balloons and rockets launched from the Gaza Strip, followed by Israeli airstrikes.
Except it’s the reality for thousands of Israelis living around the coastal enclave.
On Sunday, a rocket was launched from the Hamas-run Gaza Strip hours after an incendiary device was found in a community bordering the area.
The IDF responded with airstrikes that targeted four Hamas military compounds and a terrorist tunnel.
Following the airstrikes, more rockets were fired at southern Israel.
Two of the missiles were intercepted by the Iron Dome air-defense system. Several Israelis were injured while running for shelter.
Four missile attacks have been launched from Gaza in less than a week. The IDF responded like it always does, targeting Hamas military infrastructure.
Just like the rocket attacks since May’s Operation Guardian of the Walls, no Palestinian group took responsibility for the rocket fire.
With the two last fugitives from the Gilboa Prison escape belonging to Palestinian Islamic Jihad, it is more than likely PIJ is the culprit.
But Hamas is the group that rules the Gaza Strip – and Hamas is the one that pays.
Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh is carried during a visit to the Ain el Hilweh Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon in September 2020. (credit: AZIZ TAHER/REUTERS)
There’s a problem with Israel’s strategy, however.
Although the military and defense establishment has promised, and continues to rhetorically repeat, “What was, no longer is,” what is happening seems more like, “What was, continues to be.”
The IDF says the number of targets and intensity of the strikes have increased since the May conflict. But for all of its talk, Israelis in the South continue to run to their bomb shelters.
And this week, it’s been on an almost nightly basis.
A senior IDF officer recently said there are only two options for victory regarding Gaza, and neither is likely to occur: overthrowing Hamas and reoccupying the Gaza Strip, or overthrowing Hamas and turning the enclave into Dubai 2.0.
The best interim option for Gaza, senior brass have decided, is to live with the waves of violent rounds of conflict, such as Operation Guardian of the Walls.
The IDF said it struck dozens of Hamas targets during the May operation, including weapons manufacturing plants and multi-barrel rocket launchers, but it was not able to destroy the group’s rocket arsenal.
While it viewed the operation as a success that restored its deterrence in the South, the military has admitted only part of Hamas’s rocket stockpile was hit due to a lack of precise intelligence, giving Israel’s mortal enemy ample opportunity to fire thousands of missiles in the future.
Or they can be fired one by one, day by day.
ALTERNATE PRIME Minister Yair Lapid addresses his Knesset faction in July against the backdrop of his party slogan: ‘We came to change.’ (credit: YONATAN SINDEL/FLASH90)
On Sunday, Foreign Minister Yair Lapid said the two options outlined by the senior officer “are two bad options. That’s not a reality we can accept.”
Speaking at the International Institute for Counter-Terrorism Conference at Reichman University (IDC Herzliya), he said Israel should instead advance the “economy for security” formulation without negotiating with Hamas.
Lapid’s two-step plan, which he said “would create stability on both sides of the border,” is full of concepts that are by no means new and is not an official government policy.
But “we can’t accept this reality,” Lapid said. “The State of Israel has a duty to tell its citizens we have turned every stone in an attempt to deal with the Gazan issue.”
Though Israel’s military has understood that the issue of Gaza cannot be ignored, it’s as if it has given up winning the fight and has resorted to carrying out retaliatory strikes instead of being on the offensive.
And it is Israel’s southern communities that suffer the most from this decision.
Why should they live with almost daily rocket fire at a time when the country is not at war?
Why should parents have to rush their children to bomb shelters or have them sleep in them so that they don’t need to wake them up?
Lapid understands the IDF has apparently given up on winning – for now.
There needs to be another way, or else residents of the South will continue to be held hostage in a situation that can deteriorate into another war at any moment.
土耳其會放棄穆斯林兄弟會來修補與埃及和阿聯酋的關係嗎？
一位分析人士說，埃爾多安相信，支離破碎的伊斯蘭流亡反對派不能再被用來恐嚇塞西。
作者：KSENIA SVETLOVA/媒體線
2021 年 9 月 12 日 23:30
2013 年 7 月，穆斯林兄弟會成員和埃及總統穆罕默德·穆爾西的支持者在開羅的 Raba El-Adwyia 清真寺廣場展示他的照片。
（照片來源：KHALED Abdullah/文件照片/路透社）
廣告
經過八年的敵對，土耳其與埃及、阿拉伯聯合酋長國和沙特阿拉伯進行了密集外交，公開表示有興趣修復與這些有影響力的阿拉伯國家的關係。
阿聯酋和埃及代表團最近訪問了安卡拉，到 8 月底，土耳其總統雷傑普·塔伊普·埃爾多安會見了埃及總統阿卜杜勒·法塔赫·塞西以及阿聯酋國家安全顧問謝赫·塔赫努恩·本·扎耶德·阿勒納哈揚。
雖然土耳其旨在結束其地區孤立並改善其經濟，但阿拉伯遜尼派三人組著眼於利比亞和敘利亞的解決方案，以及結束土耳其對穆斯林兄弟會的煽動和支持。妥協是否可能？它將如何影響現有的區域聯盟？
零朋友政策
土耳其與阿拉伯國家之間的關係在阿拉伯之春動盪期間惡化，當時安卡拉與整個中東的穆斯林兄弟會運動結盟。當時的穆斯林兄弟會似乎取得了勝利，慶祝其在突尼斯和埃及的崛起。
然而，到了 2013 年，一切都變了。另一波革命浪潮以及軍隊的介入，已經將穆斯林兄弟會埃及總統穆罕默德·穆爾西撤職，不久開羅和安卡拉之間的關係就中斷了，大使們也被召回了國內。埃及人以及他們的阿聯酋和沙特盟友對土耳其和卡塔爾介入埃及內政持謹慎態度，而安卡拉拒絕承認塞西總統的合法性，並利用各種形式的大眾媒體侮辱和煽動反對他。
然而，這種裂痕不僅僅是個人仇殺。這是一場意識形態之戰。土耳其和卡塔爾與穆斯林兄弟會及其分支結盟，安卡拉變成了成千上萬流亡穆斯林兄弟會成員的避風港，而埃及和海灣國家——沙特阿拉伯、阿聯酋和巴林——則與形式進行了鬥爭政治伊斯蘭教和宗教極端主義。
隨著埃及和阿聯酋與希臘和塞浦路斯的關係越來越近，形成所謂的希臘聯盟，舉行聯合軍事演習，並擴大在能源領域的合作，分歧很深，被認為是不可調和的。以色列還培養了與希臘和塞浦路斯以及阿拉伯國家的關係。
“土耳其日益孤立和萎縮的經濟使其重新考慮其區域外交政策，”土耳其事務專家阿薩·奧菲爾博士告訴媒體專線。
“安卡拉擔心希臘聯盟，擔心希臘與阿聯酋和沙特進行軍事演習，它需要重振這些國家對土耳其經濟的投資。這就是今天發生的事情的背景。基本上，土耳其想破壞希臘聯盟並阻止其發展，”他說。
Ofir 還看到了美國選舉結果與不斷變化的地區動態之間的聯繫，並強調了土耳其新方法的戰術性質：“埃爾多安似乎對[總統喬] 拜登及其對土耳其的新政策持謹慎態度。這就是促使他更接近埃及和其他阿拉伯國家的原因，”他說。
2020年12月，埃及、沙特、阿聯酋、巴林和卡塔爾簽署了AlUla協議，結束了阿拉伯對卡塔爾的封鎖。這種和解顯然為阿拉伯國家和土耳其之間的逐步和解鋪平了道路，因為卡塔爾提出要促進雙方之間的關係。
埃及同意與安卡拉進行對話的背後是什麼？
Haisam Hassanein 是華盛頓近東政策研究所的政策分析師和前格雷澤研究員，他認為開羅正著眼於兩個重要目標：“埃及尋求從利比亞撤出土耳其軍隊和盟軍外國民兵。
“這將允許一個國際支持的政治進程繼續結束該國長達數十年的內戰。此外，埃及希望引渡 15 名穆斯林兄弟會成員，他們在穆爾西 2013 年被撤職後因恐怖襲擊而在埃及被通緝，”哈桑因告訴媒體專線。
2013 年 11 月 29 日，在開羅以南吉薩廣場附近的 El-Talbyia 發生衝突時，穆斯林兄弟會的支持者和被驅逐的埃及總統穆罕默德·穆爾西在防暴警察和軍隊及其支持者面前高喊口號（圖片來源：REUTERS）
棍子和胡蘿蔔
9月8日在安卡拉舉行的第二輪埃土會談結束後不久，埃及總理穆斯塔法·馬德布利表示，儘管取得了進展，但“兩國之間仍存在一些懸而未決的問題”，並表示如果這些問題得到解決，兩國可能在今年年底恢復他們的關係。
根據馬德布利的說法，利比亞文件仍然是埃及的關鍵問題。“任何國家都不應該對利比亞進行實際干預，”他在開羅告訴記者。
土耳其外交部長梅夫呂特·恰武什奧盧（Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu）在當地媒體上為土耳其在利比亞的軍事角色辯護。“土耳其在利比亞、敘利亞和阿塞拜疆的存在重新定義了政治方程式和結果，”他說。
今年春天，恰武什奧盧提到，他的國家準備與埃及就東地中海的海上邊界簽署協議，此後雙方一直在仔細尋求緩和局勢。
毫無疑問，土耳其仍將是該地區政治伊斯蘭運動的堅定支持者，即使它在戰術上減弱了參與度，奧菲爾說。
“他們部分壓制了土耳其贊助頻道上的一些反埃及煽動，並關閉了這些國家的一些穆斯林兄弟會中心。然而，有成千上萬的穆斯林兄弟會流亡者居住在土耳其並在那裡開展活動。這種支持具有意識形態性質，”他說。
阿拉伯之春的火花十年後，對土耳其友好的伊斯蘭政黨在整個地區都失敗了，在突尼斯被趕下台，在摩洛哥失去選舉，在埃及無法恢復。
據 Hassanein 稱，在過去的幾年裡，安卡拉逐漸相信，這個支離破碎的穆斯林兄弟會流亡反對派是“一匹失敗的馬，不能再用來恐嚇埃及總統。” 他預計土耳其將不再允許針對埃及的煽動性言論，這可能會導致一些穆斯林兄弟會成員前往其他目的地，例如卡塔爾。
雖然目前還不清楚土耳其會在多大程度上削弱對穆斯林兄弟會的支持，但它顯然有興趣增加沙特和阿聯酋對其經濟的投資。
不僅土耳其，沙特、阿聯酋和埃及的經濟自大流行開始以來都出現萎縮，都在尋找加速復甦的方法。阿布扎比企業集團國際控股最近宣布，它正在土耳其尋求醫療保健、工業和食品加工等領域的投資機會，埃爾多安表示，他預計很快就會有“阿聯酋的嚴肅投資”。
就目前而言，雖然各方都準備逐步緩和局勢以從經濟上受益，但正如卡塔爾的情況一樣，當關係升溫時，仍將保持警惕。爭議的核心問題，土耳其對穆斯林兄弟會的支持以及其在利比亞和敘利亞的軍事存在，仍將難以解決。
同時，和解也可能影響希臘聯盟的未來以及旨在向歐洲輸送天然氣的東地中海天然管道的緩慢發展。
在過去的幾個月裡，土耳其表示它也有興趣修復與以色列的關係，尤其是在能源領域。安卡拉和耶路撒冷之間的差距仍然很大，當前的地緣政治發展是否也會將土耳其與以色列的關係納入未來還有待觀察。
Will Turkey ditch Muslim Brotherhood to mend ties with Egypt and UAE?
Erdoğan convinced fragmented Islamist opposition-in-exile can no longer be used to intimidate el-Sisi, an analyst says.
By KSENIA SVETLOVA/THE MEDIA LINE
SEPTEMBER 12, 2021 23:30
MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD members and supporters of Egyptian president Mohamed Mursi display his photo at Cairo’s Raba El-Adwyia mosque square, July 2013.
(photo credit: KHALED ABDULLAH/FILE PHOTO/REUTERS)
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After eight years of hostility, Turkey is engaged in intensive diplomacy with Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia, publicly expressing interest in mending ties with these influential Arab states.
For more stories from The Media Line go to themedialine.org
Emirati and Egyptian delegations have paid recent visits to Ankara, and by the end of August, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan had met with Egypt’s President Abdel-Fattah el-Sisi as well as with UAE National Security Adviser Sheikh Tahnoun bin Zayed Al Nahyan.
While Turkey aims to put an end to its regional isolation and improve its economy, the Arab Sunni trio eyes solutions in Libya and Syria, as well as an end to Turkish incitement and support for the Muslim Brotherhood. Is compromise possible and how will it influence existing regional alliances?
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Zero friends policy
The relations between Turkey and the Arab countries grew sour during the Arab Spring turmoil when Ankara aligned itself with Muslim Brotherhood movements all across the Middle East. The Muslim Brotherhood seemed victorious back then, celebrating its rise to power in both Tunisia and Egypt.
By 2013, however, everything changed. Another revolutionary wave, as well as army involvement, had removed Muslim Brotherhood Egyptian President Mohamed Morsi and soon relations between Cairo and Ankara were halted and ambassadors called back home. Egyptians, as well as their Emirati and Saudi allies, were wary of Turkish and Qatari involvement in Egypt’s internal affairs, while Ankara declined to recognize President el-Sisi’s legitimacy and used various forms of mass media to insult and incite against him.
This rift, however, was much more than a personal vendetta; it was a battle of ideologies. Turkey and Qatar had aligned themselves with the Muslim Brotherhood and its offshoots, and Ankara turned into a safe haven for thousands of exiled Muslim Brotherhood members, while Egypt and the Gulf states – Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain – waged a fight against forms of political Islam and religious extremism.
The rift was deep and deemed irreconcilable, as Egypt and the UAE grew closer to Greece and Cyprus, forming the so-called Hellenic alliance, holding joint military drills, and expanding cooperation in the energy field. Israel also nurtured its relations with both Greece and Cyprus and with Arab countries.
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“Turkey’s growing isolation and shrinking economy brought it to rethink its regional foreign policies,” Dr. Assa Ofir, an expert on Turkish affairs, told The Media Line.
“Ankara is worried about the Hellenic alliance, it’s wary about Greece performing military drills with Emiratis and Saudis and it needs to revive investments in the Turkish economy from these countries. This is the background to what is happening today. Basically, Turkey would like to sabotage the Hellenic alliance and to stop it from growing,” he said.
Ofir also sees a connection between US elections results and changing regional dynamics, and underlines the tactical nature of the new Turkish approach: “Erdoğan seems to be wary of [President Joe] Biden and his new policies toward Turkey. That’s what pushes him closer to Egypt and other Arab countries,” he said.
In December 2020, Egypt, Saudi, the UAE, Bahrain, and Qatar signed the AlUla agreement that ended the Arab blockade of Qatar. This reconciliation apparently paved the way for a gradual rapprochement between the Arab states and Turkey, as Qatar offered to facilitate ties between the two sides.
And what’s behind Egypt’s agreement to engage in a dialogue with Ankara?
Haisam Hassanein, a policy analyst and a former Glazer Fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, believes Cairo is eyeing two important goals: “Egypt seeks the withdrawal of Turkish forces and allied foreign militiamen from Libya.
“This will allow an internationally backed political process to proceed to end the country’s decades-old civil war. Also, Egypt wants the extradition of 15 members of the Muslim Brotherhood who are wanted in Egypt in connection with terror attacks after Morsi’s 2013 removal,” Hassanein told The Media Line.
Supporters of the Muslim Brotherhood and ousted Egyptian President Mohamed Mursi shout slogans in front of riot police and army and their supporters, during clashes at El-Talbyia near Giza square, south of Cairo, November 29, 2013 (credit: REUTERS)
Sticks and carrots
Soon after the second round of Egyptian-Turkish talks in Ankara concluded on September 8, Egyptian Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly said that despite the progress, “there are some outstanding issues between the two countries,” indicating that if these issues are resolved, the countries could restore their relations by the end of this year.
According to Madbouly, the Libyan file remains the key issue for Egypt. “No country should physically intervene in Libya,” he told journalists in Cairo.
The Turkish foreign minister, Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu, responded by defending his country’s military role in Libya in the local media. “Turkey’s presence in Libya, Syria, and Azerbaijan has redefined political equations and results,” he said.
In the spring, Çavuşoğlu mentioned that his country was ready to sign a deal with Egypt over maritime boundaries in the Eastern Mediterranean, and since then the two sides have been carefully looking for de-escalation.
There is also little doubt that Turkey will remain a staunch supporter of political Islamic movements in the region, even if it tactically dims its involvement, Ofir said.
“They partially muted some anti-Egyptian incitement on Turkish-sponsored channels and closed a few Muslim Brotherhood centers in the countries. However, there are thousands of Muslim Brotherhood exiles who reside in Turkey and carry out their activities from there. This support has an ideological nature,” he said.
Ten years after the spark of the Arab Spring, Turkey-friendly Islamist parties are failing all across the region, being removed from power in Tunisia, losing elections in Morocco, and being unable to recover in Egypt.
According to Hassanein, over the past couple of years, Ankara gradually became convinced that this fragmented Muslim Brotherhood opposition-in-exile was “a losing horse that could no longer be used to intimidate the Egyptian president.” He expects Turkey to no longer allow inflammatory discourse against Egypt, which might result in the departure of some Muslim Brotherhood figures for other destinations, such as Qatar.
While it’s still unclear how far Turkey will go in dimming its support for the Muslim Brotherhood, it is obviously interested in increasing Saudi and Emirati investment in its economy.
Not only the Turkish, but also the Saudi, Emirati, and Egyptian economies have shrunk since the beginning of the pandemic, and all are looking for ways to speed the recovery. Abu Dhabi conglomerate International Holding recently announced that it was seeking investment opportunities in Turkey in sectors including health care, industrial and food processing, and Erdoğan said he was expecting “serious Emirati investment” soon.
For now, it seems that while all sides are ready for gradual de-escalation in order to benefit economically, but that just as in the case with Qatar, the wariness will remain when the ties will grow warmer. The central issues of dispute, Turkey’s support of the Muslim Brotherhood as well as its military presence in Libya and Syria, will still prove hard to resolve.
At the same time, the rapprochement might also affect the future of the Hellenic alliance and the slow development of the East Med natural pipeline designed to deliver natural gas to Europe.
During the last few months, Turkey has signaled that it is also interested in mending ties with Israel, especially in the sphere of energy. The gaps between Ankara and Jerusalem are still significant, and it remains to be seen whether the current geopolitical developments will also incorporate Turkey-Israel relations in the future.
政府部長：散居的猶太人有權影響以色列的政策
這些評論是在耶路撒冷哈特曼研究所的猶太教和國家政策中心開幕時發表的。
作者：傑瑞米·沙龍
2021 年 9 月 13 日 18:29
2019 年 4 月，DERECH ERETZ Party MKs Yoaz Hendel（左）和 Zvi Hauser 在以色列議會全體會議廳舉行會談。
（圖片來源：NOAM REVKIN FENTON/FLASH90）
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通訊部長Yoaz Hendel週日表示，儘管散居的猶太人有權嘗試影響以色列在宗教和國家問題上的政策，但出於安全原因，他拒絕了這種參與。
這位部長在耶路撒冷哈特曼研究所舉行的新猶太教和國家政策中心啟動活動上發表講話，該中心將尋求在宗教問題上推進自由和多元政策。
“我不喜歡美國猶太人試圖影響我們關於猶太和撒瑪利亞的政策。那些不將孩子送入軍隊並危及自己和家人生命的人缺乏道德分量來說明我們應該如何行動，”亨德爾在活動中接受采訪時說。
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“但特別是在宗教和國家方面，他們有充分的權利嘗試、影響和參與，因為這也是他們的家。如果這是猶太人的家園，那麼它就是所有猶太人的家園，包括大洋彼岸的猶太人。”
亨德爾說，在製定有關此類問題的政策時未能將
散居猶太人
的聲音包括在內，會給猶太人帶來類似於古代以色列王國歷史性分裂為兩個獨立政體的情況。
美國猶太人領導層與 2015 年由前總理本雅明內塔尼亞胡領導的以色列政府在西牆祈禱權、皈依和其他宗教多元化問題（特別是非正統猶太人）之間出現緊張關係。
Elazar Stern 在總統會議上（圖片來源：MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST）
情報部長埃拉扎爾·斯特恩（Elazar Stern）也在此次活動中發表講話，稱他“反對將猶太教與國家分離，但贊成將猶太法律與國家分離。
“我希望每個人都按照猶太法律結婚；我認為國家應該投資於教育人們這樣做，”他說。“但它不能強迫這一點，應該允許不想結婚的人以不同的方式結婚。令人難以置信的是，出生[並]在這裡服役的人[可能]需要飛往塞浦路斯結婚。”
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談到猶太人在美國的身份和隸屬關係問題，斯特恩說，如果他必須決定是否投資將散居國外的猶太人與他們的猶太社區聯繫起來，或者鼓勵他們向以色列做 aliyah，他會選擇前者。
“我會把一個猶太人和他在那裡的社區聯繫起來，希望有一天他能來以色列，”斯特恩說，他是猶太機構主席的主要候選人，該機構負責處理阿利亞和加強國外猶太人的身份認同。
新的猶太教和國家政策中心將尋求“修復以色列猶太教與國家之間的關係，制定包容性的猶太教政策，加強猶太身份與國家民主性質之間的聯繫，加強猶太民族意識和與以色列的關係。散居的猶太人。”
該中心的負責人、以色列宗教和國家問題專家塔尼·弗蘭克 (Tani Frank) 說：“當我們談論‘猶太教與國家’時，我們正在談論塑造以色列的猶太人公共論壇和散居在國家：不是作為一個特定的安排或作為一個或另一個部門的問題，而是作為國家和身份衝突的核心問題。”
Gov’t minister: Diaspora Jews have right to influence Israeli policies
The comments were made at the opening of the Judaism and State Policy Center at the Hartman Institute in Jerusalem.
By JEREMY SHARON
SEPTEMBER 13, 2021 18:29
DERECH ERETZ Party MKs Yoaz Hendel (left) and Zvi Hauser confer in the Knesset Plenary Hall in April 2019.
(photo credit: NOAM REVKIN FENTON/FLASH90)
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Communications Minister Yoaz Hendel said on Sunday that although Diaspora Jews have the right to try and influence Israeli policy on matters of religion and state, he rejected such involvement for security reasons.
The minister was speaking at an event launching the new Judaism and State Policy Center at the Hartman Institute in Jerusalem, which will seek to advance liberal and pluralistic policies on matters of religion.
“I don’t like it that US Jews try to influence our policies regarding Judea and Samaria. People who don’t send their children to the army and endanger their own lives and that of their family have a lack of moral weight to say how we should act,” Hendel said during an interview at the event.
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“But specifically when it comes to religion and state, they have the full right to try and influence and to be involved because this is also their home. If this is the home of the Jewish people then it is of all the Jewish people as they are, including those across the ocean.”
Hendel said that a failure to include the voices of
Diaspora Jews
when formulating policy on such issues would create a situation for the Jewish people similar to the historic split of the ancient Kingdom of Israel into two separate polities.
Tensions emerged between American Jewish leadership and the 2015 Israeli government led by former prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu over prayer rights at the Western Wall, conversion and other matters of religious pluralism, specifically for non-Orthodox Jews.
Elazar Stern at the Presidential Meeting (credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST)
Intelligence Minister Elazar Stern also spoke at the event, saying that he was “against the separation of Judaism from the state but in favor of separating Jewish law from the state.
“I want everyone to get married in accordance with Jewish law; I think the state should invest in educating people to do so,” he said. “But it cannot force this, and someone who doesn’t want to should be allowed to get married in a different manner. It’s unthinkable that someone who was born [and] served in the army here [might] need to fly to Cyprus to get married.”
Turning to the issue of Jewish identity and affiliation in the US, Stern said that if he had to decide whether or not to invest in connecting Jews in the Diaspora to their Jewish community or encourage them to make aliyah to Israel he would choose the former.
“I would connect a Jew to his community there in the hope that one day he will come to Israel,” said Stern, who is a leading candidate for the chairmanship of the Jewish Agency, which deals with both aliyah and strengthening Jewish identity abroad.
The new Judaism and State Policy Center will seek to “repair the relationship between Judaism and state in Israel, and create policies of inclusive Judaism which strengthen the connection between Jewish identity and the democratic character of the country, strengthen Jewish national consciousness and the relationship with Diaspora Jewry.”
Tani Frank, an expert on religion and state issues in Israel who will head the center, said that “When we talk about ‘Judaism and State,’ we are talking about molding the Jewish public forum in Israel and the Diaspora vis-à-vis the state: not as a specific arrangement or as an issue concerning one sector or another, but as an issue at the heart of the conflict over nation and identity.”
納斯魯拉：第一艘伊朗石油週日抵達敘利亞
週日，一艘從伊朗運往黎巴嫩的石油船抵達敘利亞，幾週前，真主黨承諾將其運來幫助處於危機中的國家。
通過TZVI JOFFRE
2021 年 9 月 13 日 21:39
2006 年 5 月 27 日，一艘油輪在位於伊朗德黑蘭以南 1,400 公里（870 英里）的波斯灣的阿薩盧耶海港裝載天然氣。
（照片來源：MORTEZA NIKOUBAZI/路透社）
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真主黨秘書長哈桑·納斯魯拉週一宣布，在真主黨決定將這艘船停靠在那里而不是黎巴嫩之後，第一艘運往黎巴嫩的伊朗石油船於週日抵達敘利亞的巴尼亞斯港口。
該船最近被船舶監控服務機構 Tanker Trackers 確定為 FAXON。
納斯魯拉說，決定將船停靠在巴尼亞斯是為了“不給黎巴嫩政府造成尷尬”。據納斯魯拉稱，敘利亞政府獲得了將石油運往黎巴嫩的卡車。
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預計石油將於週四開始抵達貝卡山谷地區，之後將從那里分發到黎巴嫩其他地區。
納斯魯拉強調，儘管一些人擔心以色列不會讓石油到達黎巴嫩，但船隻安全抵達。納斯魯拉說：“有些人打賭以色列不會允許船隻到達黎巴嫩，但他們沒有想到以色列遇到了麻煩。” “黎巴嫩現有的威懾方程以及在該方程中向黎巴嫩引進船隻，允許第一艘船和來襲船隻到達。”
8 月，納斯魯拉曾警告以色列和美國，“從伊朗船隻啟航的那一刻起，[真主黨] 就會將其視為黎巴嫩領土。” 他當時說，第一艘船將運載柴油，因為這是目前的重中之重。
黎巴嫩真主黨領袖賽義德·哈桑·納斯魯拉在紀念阿舒拉節的宗教儀式上通過屏幕講話（圖片來源：AL-MANAR/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS）
這位真主黨領導人當時警告不要在這件事上挑戰他的組織，稱這個問題“與我們人民的驕傲有關，我們拒絕羞辱這些人民。”
納斯魯拉週一表示，第二艘船將在接下來的幾天內抵達巴尼亞斯，未來還會有第三艘船抵達。
“我們的目標不是貿易或利潤，而是幫助減輕人們的痛苦，我們的目標不是與進口石油衍生品的公司競爭，”真主黨領導人補充說。
納斯魯拉警告說在多個場合，真主黨將進口伊朗石油自身，如果黎巴嫩政府沒有這樣做。伊朗石油受到國際制裁。此舉可能使伊朗油輪靠近以色列海岸。
8 月，納斯魯拉建議下一屆黎巴嫩政府在黎巴嫩海岸附近進行石油和天然氣的鑽探，並強調如果有必要，真主黨可以邀請一家伊朗公司進行鑽探。
這位真主黨領導人主動提出幫助在黎巴嫩沿海水域鑽探石油和天然氣，稱如果由於擔心美國製裁或以色列罷工而沒有公司願意這樣做，恐怖組織可能會邀請一家伊朗公司進行鑽探。納斯魯拉補充說，在黎巴嫩水域鑽探石油和天然氣將使該國不再需要進口燃料。
納斯魯拉在 8 月宣布伊朗石油問題之際，以色列和伊朗之間的緊張局勢加劇，此前伊朗對商船進行了一系列襲擊，其中包括 7 月伊朗無人機襲擊阿曼海岸附近以色列管理的默瑟街油輪，造成一名英國和羅馬尼亞公民。
今年 3 月，《華爾街日報》報導稱，以色列襲擊了十多艘前往敘利亞的伊朗油輪。真主黨附屬特工 Ali Shoeib 上週在推特上說，現在與以色列有一個新的等式：“坦克換坦克”，這顯然是在警告以色列不要攻擊將伊朗石油運往黎巴嫩的油輪。
在周一晚間的講話中，納斯魯拉還提到了最近六名巴勒斯坦囚犯從吉爾博亞監獄越獄，稱這次越獄“需要大量的創造力、勇氣和努力”。
“行動的影響是巨大的，其中最重要的是巴勒斯坦人堅持自由和解放，儘管他多年來一直在經歷各種情況，”納斯魯拉說。
這位真主黨領導人補充說，重新抓獲其中四名囚犯“不會降低行動的成功”，所有巴勒斯坦人都有責任讓其餘兩人出獄。
Nasrallah: First ship of Iranian oil arrived in Syria on Sunday
A ship of oil sent from Iran for Lebanon arrived in Syria on Sunday, weeks after Hezbollah promised to bring it to help the country in crisis.
By TZVI JOFFRE
SEPTEMBER 13, 2021 21:39
An oil tanker loads gas in Assaluyeh seaport at the Persian Gulf, 1,400 km (870 miles) south of Tehran, Iran May 27, 2006.
(photo credit: MORTEZA NIKOUBAZI/ REUTERS)
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Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah announced on Monday that the first ship of Iranian oil intended for Lebanon arrived at the Baniyas port in Syria on Sunday, after Hezbollah decided to have the ship dock there instead of Lebanon.
The ship was recently identified as the FAXON by Tanker Trackers, a ship monitoring service.
Nasrallah said the decision was made to have the ship dock in Baniyas in order "not to cause embarrassment to the Lebanese government." The Syrian government secured trucks for transporting the oil to Lebanon, according to Nasrallah.
The oil is expected to arrive in the Beqaa valley area starting on Thursday and will be distributed to the rest of Lebanon from there afterwards.
Nasrallah stressed that the ships safely arrived, despite concerns by some that Israel would not allow the oil to reach Lebanon. "Some bet that Israel would not allow the ships to reach Lebanon, but they missed that the Israeli was in trouble," said Nasrallah. "The existing deterrence equation in Lebanon and the introduction of ships to Lebanon within this equation allowed the arrival of the first ship and the incoming ships as well."
In August, Nasrallah had warned Israel and the US that "from the moment the Iranian ship sails, [Hezbollah] will consider it Lebanese territory." The first ship, he said at the time, would carry diesel fuel since that is currently the top priority.
Lebanon's Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah speaks through a screen during a religious ceremony marking Ashura (credit: AL-MANAR/HANDOUT VIA REUTERS)
The Hezbollah leader warned at the time against challenging his organization on the matter, saying the issue has "become linked to the pride of our people, and we refuse to humiliate this people."
A second ship will arrive in Baniyas in the next few days, Nasrallah said on Monday, followed by a third ship in the future.
"Our goal is not trade or profit, but rather to help alleviate the suffering of people, and our goal is not to compete with companies importing oil derivatives," added the Hezbollah leader.
Nasrallah has warned on multiple occasions that Hezbollah would import Iranian oil on its own if the Lebanese government did not. Iranian oil is subsumed under international sanctions. Such a move could bring Iranian fuel tankers close to Israel’s shores.
In August, Nasrallah suggested that the next Lebanese government pursue drilling for oil and gas off of Lebanon's coast, stressing that Hezbollah could bring an Iranian company to drill, if necessary.
The Hezbollah leader offered to help drill for oil and gas in the waters of Lebanon's coast, saying that if no companies are willing to do so due to fears of US sanctions or Israeli strikes, the terrorist group could bring an Iranian company to drill. Nasrallah added that drilling for oil and gas in Lebanon's waters would rid the country of the need to import fuel.
Nasrallah's announcement in August about the Iranian oil came as tensions ran high between Israel and Iran after a series of Iranian attacks against commercial vessels, including an Iranian drone strike against the Israeli-managed Mercer Street tanker off the coast of Oman in July, killing a British and Romanian citizen.
In March, The Wall Street Journal reported that Israel had attacked a dozen Iranian oil tankers headed for Syria. Hezbollah-affiliated operative Ali Shoeib tweeted last week that there was now a new equation with Israel: “a tank for a tank,” an apparent warning to Israel not to attack tankers carrying Iranian oil to Lebanon.
In the speech on Monday evening, Nasrallah also referred to the recent escape of six Palestinian prisoners from Gilboa Prison, saying that the escape "involved a lot of creativity, courage and work."
"The implications of the operation are great, and the most important thing in it is the Palestinian insistence on freedom and liberation despite all the circumstances he has been experiencing over the years," said Nasrallah.
The Hezbollah leader added that the recapture of four of the prisoners "does not diminish the success of the operation" and that all Palestinians are responsible for keeping the remaining two out of prison.
以色列公司推出自主武裝機器人以巡邏戰區和邊界
但以色列航空航天工業公司在談到其“REX MKII”飛行器時表示，開火的生死決定暫時仍掌握在人類控制人員手中
按機構今天下午 2:10
2021 年 9 月 9 日，以色列航空工業公司的半自動四輪驅動“REX MKII”出現在以色列中部城市洛德附近的 IAI 設施中。 (Sebastian Scheiner/AP)
週一，一家以色列國防承包商推出了一款遙控武裝機器人，據稱可以在戰區巡邏、跟踪滲透者並開火。無人駕駛車輛是無人機技術領域的最新成員，正在迅速重塑現代戰場。
支持者說這種半自主機器可以讓軍隊保護他們的士兵，而批評者擔心這標誌著機器人做出生死決定的又一危險步驟。
週一在洛德展出的四輪驅動機器人是由國有的以色列航空航天工業公司的“REX MKII”開發的。
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該公司自主系統部門副負責人拉尼·阿夫尼 (Rani Avni) 表示，它由電子平板電腦操作，可配備兩挺機槍、攝像頭和傳感器。該機器人可以為地面部隊收集情報，攜帶受傷士兵和補給進出戰鬥，並打擊附近的目標。
在過去 15 年中，Aerospace Industries 的子公司 ELTA Systems 開發的六款無人駕駛車輛中，它是最先進的。
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以色列軍方目前正在使用一種名為“美洲虎”的小型但類似的車輛在與加沙地帶的邊界巡邏，並幫助執行以色列於 2007 年實施的封鎖，此前這片狹小的領土被伊斯蘭恐怖組織哈馬斯從巴勒斯坦權力機構手中奪取。以色列維持封鎖，以防止哈馬斯獲得將用於這個猶太國家的武器。
加沙是 200 萬巴勒斯坦人的家園，他們在很大程度上被封鎖所困，埃及也在一定程度上支持了進出該飛地的平民過境點。與以色列接壤的邊境地區是巴勒斯坦恐怖分子頻繁抗議和偶爾企圖滲透到以色列的地方。
2021 年 9 月 9 日，以色列航空航天工業自主系統部門副主管 Rani Avni 在以色列中部城市洛德附近的 IAI 設施接受美聯社採訪時發表講話。 (Sebastian Scheiner/AP)
當被問及如何使用美洲虎的詳細信息時，以色列軍隊沒有做出回應，美洲虎是眾多工具之一，包括配備製導導彈的無人機，使其在技術上比哈馬斯具有巨大優勢。
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無人駕駛地面車輛正越來越多地被其他軍隊使用，包括美國、英國和俄羅斯的軍隊。他們的任務包括後勤支持、清除地雷和發射武器。
平板電腦可以手動控制車輛。但它的許多功能，包括其運動和監視系統，也可以自主運行。
該公司機器人部門的運營專家 Yonni Gedj 說：“每次執行任務時，該設備都會收集更多數據，然後從中學習以用於未來的任務。”
批評人士擔心機器人武器可能會自行決定（也許是錯誤的）射擊目標。該公司表示，此類功能存在，但並未提供給客戶。
“有可能使武器本身也具有自主性；然而，這是今天用戶的決定，”Avni 說。“系統或用戶尚未成熟。”
人權觀察武器部的高級研究員邦妮·多切蒂 (Bonnie Docherty) 表示，此類武器令人擔憂，因為它們無法區分戰鬥人員和平民，也無法就襲擊可能對附近平民造成的傷害做出適當的判斷。
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“機器無法理解人類生命的價值，這在本質上損害了人類尊嚴並違反了人權法，”多切蒂說。在 2012 年的一份報告中，哈佛法學院講師 Docherty 呼籲國際法禁止全自動武器。
2021 年 9 月 9 日，以色列航空工業公司的半自動四輪驅動“REX MKII”出現在以色列中部城市洛德附近的 IAI 設施中。 (Sebastian Scheiner/AP)
國防雜誌 Janes 表示，自主地面車輛的發展落後於自主飛機和船隻，因為在陸地上行駛比在水上或空中航行要復雜得多。報告稱，與開闊的海洋不同，車輛必須處理“道路上的漏洞”，並確切知道要施加多大的力才能克服物理障礙。
自動駕駛汽車中的技術也引起了人們的擔憂。電動汽車製造商特斯拉等公司與一系列致命事故有關，其中包括 2018 年在亞利桑那州發生的一起事故，當時一名婦女被自動駕駛汽車撞到。
本週在倫敦舉行的國防和安全系統國際武器貿易展上展示了以色列無人機。
以色列工作人員時報為本報告做出了貢獻。
Israeli firm unveils autonomous armed robot to patrol battle zones, borders
But life-or-death decision to open fire will remain in the hands of human controllers for the time being, Israel Aerospace Industries says of its ‘REX MKII’ vehicle
By AGENCIESToday, 2:10 pm
Israel Aerospace Industries' semi-autonomous four-wheel-drive 'REX MKII' is seen at an IAI facility near the central Israeli city of Lod, September 9, 2021. (Sebastian Scheiner/AP)
An Israeli defense contractor on Monday unveiled a remote-controlled armed robot it says can patrol battle zones, track infiltrators and open fire. The unmanned vehicle is the latest addition to the world of drone technology, which is rapidly reshaping the modern battlefield.
Proponents say such semi-autonomous machines allow armies to protect their soldiers, while critics fear this marks another dangerous step toward robots making life-or-death decisions.
The four-wheel-drive robot presented Monday in Lod was developed by the state-owned Israel Aerospace Industries’ “REX MKII.”
It is operated by an electronic tablet and can be equipped with two machine guns, cameras and sensors, said Rani Avni, deputy head of the company’s autonomous systems division. The robot can gather intelligence for ground troops, carry injured soldiers and supplies in and out of battle, and strike nearby targets.
It is the most advanced of more than half a dozen unmanned vehicles developed by Aerospace Industries’ subsidiary, ELTA Systems, over the past 15 years.
The Israeli military is currently using a smaller but similar vehicle called the Jaguar to patrol the border with the Gaza Strip and help enforce a blockade Israel imposed in 2007, after the tiny territory was seized from the Palestinian Authority by the Islamic terror group Hamas. Israel maintains the blockade to prevent Hamas from acquiring weapons that would be used on the Jewish state.
Gaza is home to 2 million Palestinians who have largely been locked in by the blockade, which is also supported to some extent by Egypt which operates a civilian border crossing in and out of the enclave. The border area with Israel is the site of frequent protests and occasional attempts by Palestinian terrorists to infiltrate into Israel.
Deputy head of Israel Aerospace Industries autonomous systems division, Rani Avni, speaks during an interview with The Associated Press in an IAI facility near the central Israeli city of Lod, September 9, 2021. (Sebastian Scheiner/AP)
The Israeli army did not respond when asked for details on how it uses the Jaguar, one of many tools, including drones armed with guided missiles, that have given it vast technological superiority over Hamas.
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Unmanned ground vehicles are being increasingly used by other armies, including those of the United States, Britain and Russia. Their tasks include logistical support, the removal of mines and firing weapons.
The tablet can control the vehicle manually. But many of its functions, including its movement and surveillance system, can also run autonomously.
“With every mission, the device collects more data which it then learns from for future missions,” said Yonni Gedj, an operational expert in the company’s robotics division.
Critics have raised concerns that robotic weapons could decide on their own, perhaps erroneously, to shoot targets. The company says such capabilities exist but are not being offered to customers.
“It is possible to make the weapon itself also autonomous; however, it is a decision of the user today,” Avni said. “The maturity of the system or the user is not there yet.”
Bonnie Docherty, a senior researcher from the arms division of Human Rights Watch, said such weapons are worrisome because they can’t be trusted to distinguish between combatants and civilians or make proper calls about the harm attacks may do to nearby civilians.
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“Machines cannot understand the value of human life, which in essence undermines human dignity and violates human rights laws,” Docherty said. In a 2012 report, Docherty, a lecturer at Harvard Law School, called for fully automated weapons to be banned by international law.
Israel Aerospace Industries’ semi-autonomous four-wheel-drive ‘REX MKII’ is seen at an IAI facility near the central Israeli city of Lod, September 9, 2021. (Sebastian Scheiner/AP)
The defense magazine Janes said the development of autonomous ground vehicles has lagged behind autonomous aircraft and boats because moving across land is far more complex than navigating water or air. Unlike the open ocean, vehicles have to deal with “holes in the road” and know exactly how much force to apply to overcome a physical obstacle, the report said.
The technology in self-driving vehicles also has raised concerns. Electric car manufacturer Tesla, among other companies, has been connected to a series of fatal accidents, including an incident in Arizona in 2018 when a woman was hit by a car driving on autopilot.
The Israeli drone vehicle is being showcased at this week’s Defense and Security System International arms trade show in London.
Times of Israel staff contributed to this report.
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